Badan Pengkajian dan Pengembangan Kebijakan Kementerian Luar Negeri Republik Indonesia menyelenggarakan kegiatan Focus Group Discussion secara virtual mengangkat tema ‘Potensi Kerja Sama Ekonomi Digital dengan negara-negara Visegrad (Polandia, Ceko, Slowakia, dan Hongaria)’, pada tanggal 25 Nopember 2020. Dalam kegiatan tersebut, ada 4 (empat) narasumber yang mempresentasikan paparan terkait: Peluang Investasi Indonesia ke Negara-Negara Visegrad di sektor Ekonomi Digital (Dr. Ben Perkasa Drajat / BPPK Kemenlu); Potensi Kerja Sama di Sektor Ekonomi Digital bersama Visegrad Grup (Hendra Manurung / KIKE); Upaya Pelaku Usaha di Sektor Ekonomi Digital (Bima Laga / Buka Lapak); dan Kontribusi Ekonomi Digital terhadap Pertumbuhan Ekonomi Nasiona (Dheky Wardana / PT. Vensia Event Indonesia). Acara dihadiri oleh sekitar 30 orang peserta aktif dari Komunitas Indonesia untuk Kajian Eropa (KIKE) dan Kementerian Luar Negeri Indonesia.
Seusai Perang Dingin (1990), negara-negara Visegrad tersebut yang sebelumnya bergabung dengan Aliansi Pertahanan Uni Soviet, ‘Pakta Warsawa’, memutuskan bergabung ke Pakta Pertahanan Atlantik Utara (NATO) di Maret 1999. Visegrad grup dibentuk pada 15 Pebruari 1991 di kota kastil Visegrad (Hongaria). Kemudian keempat negara tersebut bersama-sama Lithuania, Estonia, Latvia, Polandia, Ceko, Hongaria, Slovakia, Slovenia, Malta, dan Siprus bergabung pada Uni Eropa pada 1 Mei 2004.
Para pemimpin negara-negara Visegrad ini selalu berupaya untuk bersama-sama bagaimana meningkatkan dan menguatkan kerja sama di bidang politik, militer, budaya, ekonomi dan energi seiring upaya memajukan integrasi ke dalam Uni Eropa selama 16 tahun terakhir ini.
Dalam kegiatan FGD juga dibahas latarbelakang kerja sama ekonomi digital Indonesia dan negara-negara Visegrad; ease of doing business, e-government, e-services, e-commerce, dan outward investment Indonesia di negara-negara Visegrad dan vice versa; Digital Agenda For Europe 2021-2027; perlunya optimalisasi dukungan pemerintah Indonesia dan negara-negara Visegrad untuk meningkatkan dan menguatkan kerja sama ekonomi digital melalui adanya Master Plan yang jelas terkait pembentukan kerja sama ekonomi digital; peluang dan tantangan yang sedang dan kemungkinan besar akan dihadapi; regulasi kerja sama ekonomi digital yang jelas, transparan, dan terarah, dan terukur; perlu kebijakan tepat; research and development di kawasan maupun internasional; persiapan penetrasi internet; optimalisasi peran usaha mikro, kecil, dan menengah menghadapi kemajuan teknologi informasi, bagaimana pemanfaatannya pada sektor ekonomi digtal; serta penyiapan sumber daya manusia Indonesia.
Disimpulkan, topik yang diangkat dalam Focus Group Discussion ini menarik untuk dielaborasi lebih lanjut dengan mengadakan acara lebih besar di 2021 mengundang Duta Besar negara-negara Visegrad, policy-makers, penggiat, peneliti, akademisi, pakar, dan mahasiswa, yang peduli pada masa depan kerja sama ekonomi digital Indonesia dengan Uni Eropa, khususnya negara-negara Visegrad.
18 November 2020 – KIKE (Komunitas Indonesia untuk Kajian Eropa) bersama dengan Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Brawijaya menyelenggarakan kegiatan Webinar Nasional yang “ke-2” pada tahun ini akan diselenggarakan selama 2 hari dengan berisikan 1 Webinar Pembuka dan 6 Panel. Webinar yang dihadiri hampir 800 peserta ini dapat terselenggara dengan sukses salah satunya atas dukungan partnership seperti UBL TV, yang membantu dalam proses publikasi.
Webinar ini dihadiri oleh Duta Besar Uni Eropa untuk Indonesia dan Brunei Darussalam, Ketua Umum KIKE, Dekan Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Brawijaya, Ketua Prodi Hubungan Internasional Universitas Brawijaya, dan akademisi lainnya. Webinar dibuka oleh Bapak Muhadi Sugiono selaku Ketua Umum Komunitas Indonesia untuk Kajian Eropa yang kemudian dilanjutkan oleh kata sambutan dan penyampaian materi yang diberikan oleh Mr. Vincent Piket selaku Duta Besar Uni Eropa untuk Indonesia dan Brunei Darussalam yang sangat mendukung diselenggarakannya kegiatan ini. Materi yang diberikan oleh Duta Besar Mr. Vincent Piket membicarakan banyak sektor mengenai Uni Eropa, sehingga diharapkan mampu memberikan wawasan baru untuk seluruh peserta webinar yang hadir. Selain itu, Bapak Muhadi Sugiono, selaku Ketua Umum KIKE, mendapatkan kesempatan untuk memaparkan materi, yang salah satunya adalah membahas European Integration Theory.
Webinar ini juga menjadi perkenalan awal hasil tulisan yang ditulis oleh akademisi dari gabungan beberapa Universitas di Indonesia yang tergabung dalam KIKE (Komunitas Indonesia untuk Kajian Eropa), yang nantinya akan dibukukan dan akan menjadi sebuah buku yang menarik untuk dibaca dan dipahami bagi setiap akademisi yang berfokus pada Kajian Eropa.
Diharapkan dengan diadakannya webinar ini, akan membuka wawasan kepada seluruh peserta yang telah hadir dalam webinar perihal isu-isu yang berkembang di Kawasan Eropa, baik dalam sektor ekonomi, politik, dan sosial. Sehingga semakin banyak akademisi dan mahasiswa yang tertarik kepada Kajian Eropa.
His Excellency Mr. Vincent Piket menjelaskan secara umum bahwasanya, minggu yang krusial untuk UK setelah brexit, dan menjelaskan secara merinci mengenai kondisi beserta penjelasan dampak kepapda EU pasca brexit yang terjadi, salah satunya bagi seluruh masyarakat di 27 Negara EU, bagaimana system dari berbagai aspek yang sebelumnya berjalan pada dasar dan prinsipnya mulai dari ekonomi, politik, sosial, lingkungan, budaya, dan aspek lainnya menjadi begitu sangat berubah drastic dan setiap Negara EU diharuskan untuk beradapasi pada perubahan ini. Menurutnya, kejadian ini merupakan sebuah keadian yang mengejutkan banyak pihak dan banyak yang tidak menginginkan hal ini terjadi, tetapi memang harus di terima oleh banyak pihak dengan lapang dada dan terus menatapnya baik dan berorientasi pada solusi positif untuk kondisi yang lebih baik dan kembali stabil. Dan Ia juga memastikan bahwa dengan keadaan yang berubah seperti ini, mereka akan tetap melanjutkan langkah kerja sama, koordinasi, dan menjalin relasi yang baik dalam berbagai bidang, ekonomi, lingkungan, politik, social dan juga salah satunya lebih rinci pada kerja sama lingkugnan dan penanganan permasalahan terorisme, dan lain-lainya.
Bapak Muhadi Sugiono menjelaskan mengenai teori integrasi Eropa dan Brexit, beliau membahas ini dikarenakan banyak sekali pihak melihat permasalahan ini dari berbagai spekulasi dan berbagai pandangan yang beragam. Beliau juga menjelaskan relevansi brexit sebagai isu atau permasalahan yang ada dengan prinsipal sebuah teori di dalam hubungan internasional yaitu teori integrasi. Dan beliau juga menambahkan bahwa Integrasi Eropa berhasil memimpin pembangunan sebuah teori integrasi. Selain itu, di dalamnya, beliau menjelaskan beberapa komponen pembahasan diantaranyaa; penjelasan umum perihal adanya pernyataan mengenai disentegrasi EU, selanjutnya narasi umum mengenai EU, dan Teori Integrasi Eropa. kontekstualisasi brexit, dan masih banyak lagi penjelasan lainnya. Selain itu, Bapak Aswin memaparkan konteks Uni Eropa dari sudut pandang non-european. Secara khusus beliau membahas bagaimana dinamika dan prospek hubungan EU dan Tiongkok.
KOMPAS.com – Uni Eropa telah mencapai kesepakatan mengamankan hingga 160 juta dosis kandidat vaksin Covid-19 dengan perusahaan AS, Moderna. Dikutip dari Reuters, Selasa (24/11/2020), hal itu diungkapkan oleh Presiden Komisi Uni Eropa Ursula von der Leyen. Minggu lalu, berdasarkan data sementara dari uji klinis tahap akhir, Moderna mengatakan vaksin eksperimentalnya 94,5 persen efektif dalam mencegah Covid-19. “Saya dengan senang hati mengumumkan bahwa besok kami akan menyetujui kontrak baru untuk mendapatkan vaksin Covid-19 lainnya,” kata Ursula. “Memungkinkan kami untuk membeli hingga 160 juta dosis vaksin yang diproduksi oleh Moderna,” tambahnya. Baca juga: 5 Hal soal Vaksin AstraZeneca dan Oxford, dari Efektivitas hingga Harga Kapan vaksin dibeli? Pembelian sebenarnya akan dilakukan oleh pemerintah Uni Eropa (UE) jika vaksin tersebut disetujui oleh regulator obat UE. Sementara itu, timeline pengiriman vaksin tersebut masih belum diketahui. Namun, dikatakan dosis tersebut cukup untuk memvaksinasi 80 juta orang karena vaksin diharapkan diberikan dalam dua dosis. Pada Agustus lalu, Komisi Eksekutif UE, yang turut memimpin pembicaraan dengan pembuat vaksin atas nama negara anggota, mengatakan telah mengadakan pembicaraan awal dengan Moderna mengenai kesepakatan untuk 80 juta dosis dan opsi untuk 80 juta berikutnya. Hanya saja, persyaratan kontrak belum diungkapkan.
Jakarta, CNBC Indonesia – Direktorat Jenderal (Ditjen) Pendidikan Vokasi Kementerian Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan (Kemendikbud) optimistis bisa membawa pendidikan vokasi “terbang” ke luar negeri, salah satunya Eropa.
Dirjen Pendidikan Vokasi Kemendikbud Wikan Sakarinto mengungkapkan beberapa strategi yang akan dilakukan guna merealisasikan cita-cita tersebut.
“Combine [menggabungkan] D3 dengan sarjana terapan. Anak-anak vokasi dari SMK, pendidikan tinggi minimal 1 semester ke luar negeri. Mengembangkan pertukaran mahasiswa. Kami ingin undang ahli dari luar negeri untuk bisa menjadi konsultan,” ujarnya dalam webinar dengan “Vokasi Siap Menerpa Eropa” di Jakarta, Rabu (4/11/2020).
Saat ini, dia mengajak seluruh anak-anak pendidikan vokasi baik itu yang mengenyam pendidikan di SMK atau mahasiswa vokasi untuk mempersiapkan diri.
Cara ini merupakan dorongan, agar siswa vokasi tertantang dan semakin mengasah dirinya untuk bisa bersaing di kancah internasional.
“Jadi intinya, selain lulusan pendidikan vokasi jadi mahir di industri, kami juga ingin lulusan SMK, bisa magang, bekerja di luar negeri dan mendirikan atau mengembangkan wirausaha di Indonesia dengan market luar negeri,” ujarnya lagi.
“Ini harus dipersiapkan dengan soft skill kuat, hard skill akan terbentuk sendiri. Kita challenge anak-anak vokasi untuk meneruskan kiprah di Eropa,” imbuhnya.
Di bawah naungannya ada tiga direktorat yaitu Direktorat Teknis SMK, Direktorat Pendidikan Tinggi Vokasi, Kursus dan pelatihan serta yang terakhir Direktorat Mitras Dudi (Kemitraan dan Penyelarasan Dunia Usaha dan Dunia Industri) atau yang disebutnya “Mak Comblang” yang bertugas mempertemukan antara dunia pendidikan vokasi dan dunia usaha dunia industri.
“Ini nanti akan jadi agendanya Mitras Dudi untuk merangkum, akan dipilih dan dimasukkan ke dalam agenda, yang jelas 2021 harus membuat piloting ke 4 negara (Perancis, London, Jerman dan Belanda),” katanya.
Khusus untuk Jerman, lanjutnya, akan banyak yang bisa dilakukan. Jerman merupakan negara yang paling banyak perguruan tinggi tidak dipungut biaya pendidikan alias gratis.
“Dari 16 negara bagian, 14 diantaranya gratis, cukup menarik. Sehingga cukup banyak SMK kita yang punya kelas khusus, dan dilatih bahasa Jerman. (SMK) di daerah Jawa banyak,” katanya.
Dalam kesempatan yang sama, Direktur Mitras Dudi Kemendikbud RI, Ahmad Saufi mengatakan melalui Dirjen Vokasi Kementerian Pendidikan RI, lulusan vokasi ini akan dipoles agar berkilau dan memiliki kecakapan sesuai dengan yang diinginkan dan bisa diterima di dunia industri.
“Anak SMK yang sebelumnya dipandang sebelah mata, kita akan poles mereka agar berkilau dengan adanya dirjen vokasi ini. Kecakapan mereka ini di mana. Di bangku sekolah atau di mana,” ujarnya.
Menurutnya, pendidikan vokasi ini tak hanya menjadi tanggung jawab Kemendikbud. Untuk itu, dia mengajak stakeholder lain untuk turut mengembangkan pendidikan vokasi ini. “Dengan semua mendukung, kita berharap anak-anak vokasi benar-benar bisa digosok agar menjadi berlian di negeri ini,” pungkasnya.
Seluruh isi berita ini diambil dari cnbcindonesia.com yang dirilis pada 05 November 2020
Washington DC – Presiden Prancis Emmanuel Macron telah berusaha keras untuk mempertahankan hubungan baik dengan Donald Trump dalam beberapa tahun terakhir, kemenangan Joe Biden seharusnya bisa membuatnya agak rileks. Namun Macron juga mengakui masih banyak yang harus dilakukan dalam kerja sama kedua negara.
“Banyak yang harus kita lakukan untuk menghadapi tantangan hari ini. Mari bekerja sama,” tulis Macron dalam bahasa Prancis dan Inggris di Twitter tidak lama setelah sejumlah stasiun televisi besar asal Amerika Serikat mengumumkan proyeksi kemenangan Biden-Harris.
Berbeda dari terpilihnya Trump pada empat tahun lalu, para penasihat di Paris dan ibu kota Eropa lainnya tahu bagaimana harus bersikap dengan Joe Biden. Tidak ada Presiden AS lain yang memiliki pengalaman kebijakan luar negeri yang begitu kaya.
Selama menjadi senator, Biden telah banyak berkutat dengan kebijakan luar negeri. Pada awal 1990-an ia menulis studi yang berpandangan jauh ke depan tentang perang Balkan. Sebagai wakil dari Presiden Barack Obama, politisi Partai Demokrat ini juga pernah menjadi tamu di Konferensi Keamanan di Mnchen dan di forum-forum utama diskusi Transatlantik.
Singkat kata, Joseph Robinette Biden, yang masih punya latar belakang Prancis dan Irlandia, mengenal Eropa – dan orang Eropa mengenalnya.
Kebijakan yang diharapkan internasional
Kembalinya multilateralisme yang dijanjikan oleh Biden berarti sepenuhnya mendukung kepentingan Eropa sebagai mitra AS. Bila Biden resmi menjabat, kebijakan yang ia ambil dapat diharapkan sejalan dengan Uni Eropa.
Selain kembali ke Perjanjian Iklim Paris, Biden juga berencana membatalkan kemunduran AS dari Organisasi Kesehatan Dunia (WHO). Mengenai Kesepakatan Nuklir Iran, Biden juga berencana membatalkan kebijakan luar negeri pendahulunya dan memulihkan hubungan dengan Eropa. Politisi berusia 77 tahun itu berniat mengaktifkan kembali kesepakatan nuklir dengan para mullah.
Tapi satu hal yang jelas, bila resmi menjabat sebagai presiden, pada awal masa jabatannya Biden akan berfokus dalam menangani masalah di dalam negeri. Penanganan pandemi Corona menjadi prioritas dalam agenda Biden – demikian juga dengan kebijakan ekonomi. Dalam pidato kemenangannya pada Sabtu (07/11) malam waktu setempat, isu perlindungan iklim muncul sebagai satu-satunya isu kebijakan luar negeri.
Tidak lagi akan berperan sebagai polisi dunia
Eropa dapat berharap bahwa hubungan dengan AS akan secara signifikan berangsur rileks di bawah kepemimpinan Biden. Namun dalam kebijakan tertentu akan ada juga kesinambungan kebijakan luar negeri dengan yang telah dibuat oleh pendahulunya. Kebijakan militer AS tidak akan berubah di bawah Presiden Biden. Sebaliknya: bahkan saat Obama masih menjabat, dia telah mengajukan penarikan pasukan AS dari Irak.
Sama seperti Trump, bagi Biden, Eropa bukanlah kawasan dunia yang menentukan dalam hal kebijakan luar negeri. Washington lebih melihat ke Asia dan menganggap kebangkitan China sebagai ancaman terbesar bagi keamanan dan kemakmuran. Perkembangan ini juga sudah terlihat di bawah kepresidenan Obama.
NATO dan target anggaran militer dua persen
Pengamat menunjukkan bahwa terkadang Biden juga bisa menjadi mitra yang membuat keadaan jadi lebih tidak nyaman daripada pendahulunya. Selama Donald Trump secara terbuka menunjukkan pengabaiannya terhadap lembaga-lembaga Barat, pemerintah Uni Eropa dapat dengan mudah mengabaikan tuntutan Washington. Namun kemungkinan pengabaian ini akan lebih sulit dilakukan apabila presiden AS di masa depan adalah orang yang mendukung konsep Eropa.
Selain itu, Biden juga diperkirakan akan terus mendorong alokasi anggaran militer yang lebih tinggi oleh Eropa dan mengingatkan mereka tentang komitmen NATO untuk menyisihkan dua persen dari produk domestik bruto untuk belanja militer.
Pengamat politik Franois Heisbourg, mantan direktur Fondation pour la Recherche Strategique di Paris, Prancis, menganalisis betapa sulitnya bagi Eropa untuk mengambil lebih banyak tanggung jawab atas kebijakan keamanan seperti di Mediterania Timur, sebagai contoh.
“AS tidak memainkan peran utama di Mediterania Timur sejak 2013. Turki, Rusia, dan kekuatan lain dapat bertindak tanpa hambatan di sana,” kata Heisbourg.
Menurut Heisbourg, Eropa seharusnya lebih tertarik pada wilayah ini, tetapi saat ini hampir tidak siap untuk itu. “Kami melihat betapa sulitnya mengisi kekosongan strategis yang ditinggalkan AS,” tambahnya.
Pertanyaan soal ekonomi dan perang dagang dengan China
Eropa juga masih akan menunggu sikap Biden dalam perang dagang dengan China. Sampai sekarang Eropa melihat China terutama sebagai pasar penjualan dan mitra dagang.
Secara umum: Dalam kebijakan ekonomi, konflik dengan pemerintahan AS yang baru kemungkinan besar akan muncul dengan cepat. Prancis akan menjadi negara UE pertama yang memberlakukan pajak khusus terhadap perusahaan Internet terbesar asal AS pada Desember mendatang. Ada pula perselisihan tentang subsidi ilegal dari negara untuk Boeing. Organisasi Perdagangan Dunia (WTO) telah mengizinkan UE untuk mengenakan tarif miliaran Euro terkait masalah ini.
Potensi konflik di wilayah ini sangat besar, utamanya karena Biden sudah tidak ragu lagi ingin menjalankan kebijakan ekonomi proteksionis. Biden berencana mewajibkan otoritas AS untuk menggunakan barang dan jasa dengan label “Made in USA”.
Namun demikian, sebelum Joe Biden mengambil alih komando pemerintahan, Donald Trump masih akan tinggal di Gedung Putih selama dua setengah bulan ke depan. Fase transisi ini menjadi kritis mengingat pandemi Corona yang semakin parah.
Namun setidaknya pemerintah di Eropa bisa sedikit bernapas lega. Karena bila Trump kembali menjabat untuk periode kedua, Franois Heisbourg menganalisis bahwa keluarnya AS atau penarikan ekstensif dari NATO akan menjadi agenda berikutnya.
JAKARTA, KOMPAS.com – Uni Eropa resmi menghentikan penyelidikan antisubsidi terhadap hot rolled stainless steel (HRSS) atau baja gulung panas stainless steel Indonesia. Maka, produk HRSS RI kini lolos dari ancaman tindakan antisubsidi Uni Eropa. Keputusan itu ditetapkan pada 6 November 2020 dan diumumkan secara resmi dalam situs web Uni Eropa pada 9 November 2020. Menteri Perdagangan Agus Suparmanto mengatakan, keputusan tersebut dibuat setelah Asosiasi Industri Baja Uni Eropa (EUROFER) mencabut permohonannya pada 18 September 2020 lalu. Baca juga: Uni Eropa Gugat Amazon Terkait Dugaan Monopoli “Indonesia menyambut baik keputusan Uni Eropa untuk membatalkan penyelidikan karena dari awal kami meyakini bahwa produk Indonesia selalu bersaing secara adil di pasar Eropa,” ujar dia dalam keterangan resmi, Rabu (18/11/2020). Menurutnya, pembatalan penyelidikan ini membuka peluang untuk terus mendorong ekspor HRSS ke Uni Eropa. Ia memastikan, Kemendag akan terus mendukung industri Indonesia untuk bisa memanfaatkan pembatalan tersebut. “Pemanfaatannya dengan cara meningkatkan kinerja ekspor produk HRSS ke Uni Eropa, serta secara proaktif menjaga akses ekspornya,” kata Agus. HRSS merupakan produk baja yang dihasilkan dari penggilingan baja nirkarat dalam keadaan panas. Ekspor produk HRSS Indonesia ke Uni Eropa dimulai pada 2018 senilai 99,3 juta dollar AS dan meningkat di 2019 menjadi 100,5 juta dollar AS. Baca juga: Ekspor RI Naik Jadi 14,01 Miliar Dollar AS, Terbesar dari Besi dan Baja Namun pada Oktober 2019, Uni Eropa secara resmi memulai penyelidikan antisubsidi terhadap produk HRSS asal Indonesia berdasarkan permohonan EUROFER. Uni Eropa menuduh pemerintah Indonesia memberikan insentif atau bantuan finansial bagi produsen melalui serangkaian kebijakan larangan atau pembatasan ekspor bahan baku mineral, yaitu bijih nikel, batu bara, dan scrap logam, sehingga menekan harga bahan baku tersebut di Indonesia. Selain itu, Uni Eropa menduga adanya dukungan pemerintah Indonesia dan pemerintah China terhadap pembangunan kawasan industri di Morowali, serta industri mineral dan logam di lokasi tersebut melalui kerja sama ekonomi bilateral Indonesia-China.
JAKARTA, KOMPAS.com – Menteri Luar Negeri Retno Marsudi menyoroti persoalan diskriminasi produk kelapa sawit Indonesia oleh Uni Eropa. Ia memastikan, persoalan ini akan dihadapi secara tegas oleh Indonesia. Kelapa sawit merupakan komoditas unggulan yang menjadi tulang punggung perekonomian Indonesia. Nilai ekspornya pun mencapai 23 miliar dollar AS pada tahun lalu. “Kita tahu ada diskriminasi terhadap sawit Indonesia, bahkan kampanye negatif, khususnya di Eropa. Kita ingin selalu melawan diskriminasi ini,” ujarnya dalam sambutan pada acara Jakarta Food Security Summit-5 secara virtual, Kamis (19/11/2020). Baca juga: Bicara Soal Green Diesel Pertamina, Jokowi : 1 Juta Ton Sawit Petani Bisa Diserap Menurut Retno, tindakan diskriminatif yang dilakukan Uni Eropa bertentangan dengan prinsip kemitraan dan kolaborasi dalam hubungan antar negara. Ia mengaku, beberapa hari lalu telah melakukan komunikasi dengan High Representative-Vice President Komisi Eropa Josep Borrell untuk membahas pentingnya meningkatkan kemitraan satu sama lain dan menyelesaikan persoalan diskriminasi kelapa sawit Indonesia. “Saya sampaikan mengenai pentingnya kemitraan yang lebih kuat dan menyelesaikan isu diskriminasi terhadap sawit Indonesia. Indonesia selalu melakukan komunikasi secara terbuka, yang kita inginkan adalah satu, treat us fairly (perlakukan kami dengan adil),” ungkap Retno. Dia menegaskan, Indonesia akan selalu melakukan komunikasi dengan Uni Eropa untuk penyelesaian isu kelapa sawit tersebut. Retno bilang, tentunya Indonesia ingin memiliki kemitraan yang lebih kokoh dengan Uni Eropa yang memang sudah lama menjadi natural partner, lantaran kedua pihak memiliki kesamaan pandangan di banyak isu. Selain kelapa sawit, Retno juga memastikan, akan terus mengawal berbagai komoditas unggulan Indonesia yang mengalami ketidakadilan di pasar global. “Tentunya tidak berhenti kelapa sawit saja, kita sepenuhnya mendukung dan terus mengawal berbagai komoditas unggulan di RI seperti kopi, teh, karet. Karena diplomasi Indonesia tidak ingin tinggal diam dan akan terus berdiri untuk tegak membela kepentingan nasional kita,” pungkasnya.
Hendra Manurung, is currently a doctoral candidate of International Relations, Padjadjaran University, Bandung; Teuku Rezasyah is an Associate Professor of International Relations at the same university
Malaysia was assigned to host the APEC meeting in 2020, and hope the commitment of APEC leaders’ countries to the multilateral trading system. This commitment is important in order to maintain global market and financial stability so that global trade and foreign investment guarantees continue to flow in times of crisis and global economic recession.
The APEC 2020 event theme is ‘ Reimagined: Priorities in the Aftermath of COVID-19’. Indonesia, through its ministry of trade, highlights APEC contribution in the midst of a global pandemic outbreak being relevant to overcome global uncertainty in the current economy and trade outlook.
In fact, for two years in 2018 and 2019, the APEC leaders’ forum failed to reach a final agreement at the APEC leader level to overcome various global challenges.
As the host, Malaysia faces considerable challenges, namely the achievement of the Bogor Goals target which is still not as expected, it is not easy to formulate a new post-2020 APEC vision that can accommodate the interests of the entire APEC economy, and high hopes for a joint declaration at the APEC leadership level.
However, apart from the need to ensure the growth of the digital economy, it also needs a sustainable inclusive economy and the optimal use of digital platforms in financial transactions. Furthermore, it is necessary to ensure and simplify cooperation between the government and the private sector in the Asia Pacific countries region.
Indonesia, China, together with a number of leaders of APEC member countries in the APEC annual meeting in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia were held virtually to encourage a more open, transparent trade, and strengthen multilateral cooperation. It is hoped that these norms, principles, and steps will greatly support the performance of the global economy which is being severely affected by the COVID-19 pandemic.
President Joko Widodo has prioritized the importance of developing a favorable climate for foreign investment in Indonesia and the Asia Pacific region. It is possible that the Omnibus Law will improve the business climate and support national economic growth, along with regulatory and bureaucratic reforms. This is important considering the flexibility of regulations and the dexterity of the Indonesian bureaucracy in dealing with the current difficult times so that it is ready to open the widest possible door for businessmen and investors through the application of new methods.
The Omnibus Law which massively simplifies various regulations is said to aim to create a quality business and investment climate for business actors, including micro, small and medium enterprises. Although, this decision has sparked resistance, protests, and controversy in the country, however, it is expected that this regulation will be able to reduce overlapping regulations and complicated and complex procedures. The cumbersome licensing bureaucracy was also reduced. Illegal fees that have hindered business and investment entry are eradicated.
This rule also makes it easier for MSME business actors, where they do not need to apply for a permit but simply register the type of business. The entire licensing process is integrated into an electronic system through an online single submission.
Business activities and investing are made easier and less difficult. The formation of a limited liability company is made simpler and there is no longer a minimum capital limitation. Patents and brands are also being processed accelerated. Land acquisition and optimization of land utilization for public interest and investment will be much easier.
The APEC economy is expected to become a pillar of world economic stability by focusing on equitable economic cooperation so that all levels of society can participate and enjoy economic prosperity equally. APEC’s contribution can be achieved by boosting human resources potentials. It is very important to support sustainable economic growth in member countries including Indonesia which is also in line with the vision of the central government.
Suppose Indonesia will play a proactive role as Southeast Asia leading economy in supporting the implementation of the APEC blueprint related to strengthening the global value chain for the 2020 to 2025 periods.
Indonesia’s active role is in accordance with President Joko Widodo’s direction in RPJMN 2020 to 2024 in supporting Indonesia’s economic transformation, from dependence on natural resources shifting to an economy based on manufacturing competitiveness and the provision of high-value-added modern services.
It is certain that Indonesia will cooperate closer with other pioneer countries in the world economy, such as China and the US, in designing a capacity-building program for the APEC economy to gain more benefits from the global supply chain.
It is most likely that Donald Trump will represent the US at APEC 2020 Summit. Trump’s presence will be his second participation after 2017. Trump has been criticized for being less involved in the East Asia Summit in early November as part of the 2020 ASEAN Summit activities held virtually in Hanoi, Vietnam.
Chinese President Xi Jinping promised to open up his domestic market more widely, actively cooperating with all countries, regions, and companies.
Xi Jinping stressed that China’s gross domestic product has reached 10,000 US dollars per year. The number of Chinese middle-class citizens currently reaches more than 400 million people. Various international agencies are projecting that the Chinese retail market in 2020 will penetrate the US $ 6 trillion.
Thus, it is certain that there will be greater demand for quality products, the use of information technology, and the standardization of service quality from around the world.
It is expected that through the signing of a regional economic comprehensive partnership (RCEP) will have an important meaning in global trade and sustainable multilateral cooperation for economic integration in the Asia and Pacific region.
Moreover, with the election of Joe Biden as the 46th US president in early November 2020, it is hoped that the US government will be more constructive and emphasize goodwill in dealing with other countries in the region without conflicting with other economic powers.
RCEP for developing countries can reduce trade barriers to agricultural products, manufactured goods, and components that make up the majority of their exported commodities.
However, the RCEP partnership is considered to have little to do with trade in services and the availability of access for various companies to operate in their respective economies, something the US and other developed countries want.
Also, it is necessary to gradually reduce tariffs and institutional costs, develop a number of import trade promotion innovation demonstration zones, and expand product imports and strengthen high-quality services in all member countries.
Most APEC countries face unprecedented times, demanding bold responses along with the world’s greatest health and economic crisis of a hundred years. For sure, these challenges demand sustaining cooperation, coordination, and collaboration actively without any left behind through market integration, creative innovation, and regional inclusion.
The crisis response remains a pressing concern in many economies, and requires an ongoing focus on ensuring access to essential medical supplies and services, including vaccine availability; keeping supply chains functioning, and avoiding fragmented policy approaches, including in the digital economy and the safe resumption of travel. These would serve to revive all business activities and market demand that would accelerate global economic recovery.
Free and open trade and investment have indeed resulted in greater prosperity within the Asia Pacific along with underscoring the fact that benefits accruing from trade and investment have not permeated across all segments of all society.
Even today, there is much room for us to improve the narrative of trade and investment with a view to bring tangible benefits to all people fairly.
To conclude, APEC’s success key is openness, cooperation, and transparency amongst member-countries to look for Asia Pacific economic recovery sooner or later.
Hendra Manurung, is currently doctoral candidate of International Relations, Padjadjaran University, Bandung; Teuku Rezasyah is Associate Professor of International Relations at Padjadjaran University, Bandung.
It is not difficult to understand why Japan and Australia plan developing defense cooperation for some years previously. Most likely the factor of militarization and deployment of the Chinese navy since late December 2019 in the South China Sea is one of the main triggers.
The defense pact is confirmed to be Japan’s first agreement after 60 years to allow a foreign military presence on its territory, since the status of a defense agreement in 1960 with the United States, which allowed America to place warships, fighter jets, and, thousands of military troops on board, around the territory of Japan.
The challenges and risks posed to the global and regional geostrategic landscape, particularly by or under the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, as well as the dynamics in major power relations.
At present, all countries in these regions also face non-traditional challenges such as terrorism, smuggling, natural disasters, and cybercrime, which no single country can tackle and overcome on its own, have been widely considered as common concerns by policy-makers regional leaders.
Meanwhile, ASEAN as a regional organization should to be serious on responding to current regional conditions and immediately reducing escalate tensions that may arise and lead to open conflicts. After the US presidential election on November 6, 2020, Joe Biden and Kamala Harris won the election and will be sworn in on January 21, 2021, as the 46th US President replacing previous president, Donald Trump (45th US President, 2016-2020).
The good news of new US leadership is predicted will reduce the US and China trade war globally along with both major powers rivalries in the South China Sea and India and China border disputed conflict killed twenty and injured others, Indian soldiers, recently.
From 1967 to 2020, ASEAN as a regional organization is able to maintain regional cooperation and supposed to be remaining as the primary driving force in steering regional peace and stability to develop further as a central pillar in the evolving regional security architecture years ahead.
The defense pact between Japan and Australia was agreed upon and signed by Yoshihide Suga and Scott Morrison in Tokyo on November 17, 2020 (Kompas, 19/2/2020). The two countries have been negotiating a six-year defense agreement (2014-2020), although this agreement still needs to be ratified by both parliamentarians in Canberra and Tokyo.
This latest agreement is to facilitate more joint military operations and exercises in their respective regions. If needed in a situation of urgency, it is possible for the Japanese military to protect Australian troops and vice versa.
The pact, called the Reciprocal Access Agreement, provides a legal framework that allows troops to visit each other’s countries and conduct joint training and operations. These developments have further strengthened the defense relationship between the two US allies.
The move will also be Japan’s first agreement to include a foreign military presence on its territory since signing a troop status agreement in 1960 with the United States. Tokyo works closely with Washington D.C, enabling the US to deploy warships, fighter jets, and thousands of troops in and around Japan as part of a military alliance on a regional security home-base.
It is implemented by deploying around fifty thousand US soldiers and its 7th fleet armada. Perhaps, Australia also might be able to send two thousand to five thousand military troops, warships, and frigates to securing Japanese territories.
Japan and Australia previously established defense cooperation in 2007, a first for Japan with a country other than the US. Then in 2013, the two countries agreed to share military supplies mutually, and in 2017 the cooperation boosted to include the procurement of military ammunition after Japan then relaxed import restrictions related to the transfer of weapons equipment.
Essentially, the two countries, Australia and Japan indeed do not explicitly mention China’s presence in the region as a major and real threat in the Defense Pact. However, this defense agreement was carried out to strengthen both countries’ defense cooperation in response to the expansion of China’s military presence in the East China Sea, South China Sea, Hong Kong, and beyond. Obviously, these two countries are targeting China.
In the South China Sea, Beijing has been accused of militarization in disputed territorial waters, while in the East China Sea, Japan and China have disputed over ownership of the island of Senkaku. On the other hand, Canberra is also arguing with Beijing over restrictions on the export of a number of Australian exporting products to China.
As with other defense pacts, this agreement is a right and part of state sovereignty to maintain regional peace and security and the survival of their national interests in the region.
However, if in the end, this defense pact will lead to the deployment of military force, then of course this can create tension in the situation and can trigger an escalation of open conflict in the Asia Pacific region.
Previously, the Japanese government had stepped up defense under former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, by purchasing stealth fighters and other modern military weapons, as well as encouraging Japanese military cooperation and adjusting the compatibility of military weapons with America.
In addition to discussing the defense pact between Japan and Australia, they also discussed cooperation in overcoming the coronavirus and hydrogen technology. Japan aims to become the third-largest carbon-free economy by 2050.
During the meeting, Morrison also discussed energy and climate change with Japanese businessmen and indicated that carbon capture and storage and low-emission technologies would be part of the domestic solution. Australia has agreed to achieve zero carbon emissions within the stipulated time.
Morrison has rejected calls for a 2050 target, vowing to do so when it can explain the economic costs to the Australian people. Australia is heavily dependent on coal and gas exports. Korea, the US, and the UK have designated 2050 as zero carbon emissions as the UK has urged Australia to reduce carbon emissions.
During his visit, Morrison also met with the president of the International Olympic Committee, Thomas Bach, who is trying to push Queensland to host the Summer Olympics and Paralympics in 2032.
Japan and Australia are currently having a less than harmonious relationship with China. With Japan relations deteriorated due to Japan’s wartime territory of China and sovereignty dispute in Senkaku, a chain of islands in the East China Sea regions known as Diaoyu in China. The Japanese administered the island; however, Chinese military surveillance ships were frequently near the island. Meanwhile, Australia clashed with China over Prime Minister Morrison’s appeal in April 2020, explicitly asking for a thorough comprehensive transparent investigation into the global outbreak of the coronavirus and upsetting China to continue with restrictions on imported products from Australia.
Japan has embarked on a vision of the “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” of economic and security cooperation as opposed to Chinese influence, and recently Japan hosted foreign ministerial discussions among countries known as the “Quad” which consists of from America, Australia, and India.
These four countries are trying to invite countries from Southeast Asia and its surroundings to reduce the expansion of Chinese influence in the Indo-Pacific region.
This bamboo curtain country defends its decisions and behavior in regional seas as peaceful actions and denies violating international rules and deliberately ignores the 1982 UNCLOS. China also considers the formation of the Quad as the embryo of NATO birth in the Asia Pacific which aims to fight it frontally.
Warships and aircraft from the four “Quad” countries kick off the annual joint military exercise Malabar in the Bay of Bengal, India on November 3, 2020.
The joint military exercise is being carried out less than a month since mid-October 2020 following a highly symbolic Quad meeting in Tokyo with foreign ministers from the four most powerful democratic countries in the Indo-Pacific region.
Australia is rejoining the exercise for the first time in 13 years, since its participation in 2007.
The Malabar exercises are not officially linked to the Quad forum, but they are clearly a counterweight to Beijing’s expanding military and political influence in the region.
The Quad’s joint military exercises in Malabar have the veiled intention of thwarting Chinese influence.
The military activity is divided into two phases, namely the first phase starting from 3 to 6 November 2020, followed by the second phase at the end of November.
These military exercises also include anti-submarine and anti-aircraft practical exercises designed to improve interoperability between the military forces of the four nations.
This joint Malabar military exercise certainly provides an opportunity for the navies of the four like-minded nations, sharing a common vision of a more stable, open, and prosperous Indo-Pacific, to operate and train together in achieving regional stability.
To conclude, it is still relevant to highlight ASEAN’s role in the meeting involving these countries to keep reminding those intentional ambitions, that, as stated in the ASEAN Chairperson’s Statement at the last Summit 2020, “not to use threats or force” in resolving problems in the region. When talking about ASEAN and optimizing its influence, Indonesia clearly is still recognized as prioritizing a major role among global major powers.
President Joko Widodo and Minister of Trade Agus Suparmanto at the signing of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership agreement of the ASEAN Summit from the Bogor Palace, SETNEG/Biro Pers Setpres
Writer: Hendra Manurung (Hendra Manurung is currently pursuing a doctoral degree in international relations at Padjadjaran University, Bandung)
On 15 November 2020, the Regional Comprehensive of Economic Cooperation known as RCEP signed by Indonesia President Joko Widodo. It will cover ASEAN member-countries with its five partner countries, such as Australia, China, Japan, South Korea, and New Zealand. But it is rejected by India. It is expected that ASEAN RCEP will benefit Indonesia’s various export products.
In fact, these various benefits ranging from the increased gross domestic product (GDP), boosting exports, and attracting foreign investments coming to Indonesia and more.
The negotiations, which initially started with 16 countries, ended up being signed by 15 countries, involving 10 ASEAN countries and 5 partner countries, namely China, South Korea, Japan, Australia, and New Zealand. As is known, India withdrew from negotiations in 2019.
RCEP is still open to India, if India is interested in re-joining, as RCEP will remain open to India when it is ready to rejoin as the original negotiating party.
This also strengthens the declaration put forward by the RCEP trade ministers when holding the RCEP Summit Preparation previously on 11 November 2020.
RCEP is still considered as a mega-regional free trade agreement covering Southeast Asia, East Asia, and Oceania.
All countries of RCEP understand the domestic economic challenges India is facing when it withdraws from the RCEP negotiation process last year.
Further, based on Indonesian Fiscal Policy Agency study in 2019, stated that Indonesia could increase GDP by 0.05% during the 2021-2032 period if it participated in RCEP.
However, if Indonesia does not participate in RCEP, then the national GDP might experience a decline of 0.07% during the same period, from 2021 to 2032.
RCEP will also provide welfare gain for Indonesia around US$ 1.52 billion.
Table 1 Indonesia Balance of Trade, Oct. 2019-Oct 2020 (in millions US$)
Period
Result
Progress
October 2019
US$ 122,4
surplus
November 2019
US$ – 1.396
deficit
December 2019
US$ -78
deficit
January 2020
US$ -636,7
deficit
February 2020
US$ 2.512,8
surplus
March 2020
US$ 715,7
surplus
April 2020
US$ -372,1
deficit
May 2020
US$ 2.015,7
surplus
June 2020
US$ 1.249
surplus
July 2020
US$ 3.238,4
surplus
August 2020
US$ 2.353,4
surplus
September 2020
US$ 2.390,4
surplus
October 2020 (temporarily)
US$ 3.606,8
surplus
Source: Badan Pusat Statistik
Table 2 Indonesia’s export and import of non-oil and gas (in millions US$)
Countries
Export
Import
China
US$ 2.860,3
US$ 2.798,1
The United States
US$ 1.638,1
US$ 609
Japan
US$ 1.064,3
US$ 731,3
India
US$ 874,4
–
EU-27
16 billion Euro
10.2 billion Euro
Singapore
–
US$ 706,5
Source: Badan Pusat Statistik
When compared to free trade agreements initiated by other countries, such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), North America Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), to the EU-27, the incorporation of 15 countries in RCEP is quite significant.
However, RCEP remains a global dynamic in world trade. RCEP without India represents cumulatively 29% of world GDP, 27.1% of world trade, 29.3% of world FDI and 29.6% of the world’s population.
The existence of RCEP should be able to be the best opportunity and opportunity for Indonesian export products to boost exports, attract investment, and increasing the competitiveness of national economic products in the region.
Suppose, this welfare gain can be defined as the surplus that consumers and producers get from a transaction. If from the consumer perspective, welfare gin is obtained when the price that consumers can pay is greater than the factual price in the market, while from the perspective of producers, welfare is obtained if the price they are able to offer to the market is lower than the factual price in the market.
Indonesia has the potential to avoid the trade balance deficit by US$ 491.46 million. Even so, this potential deficit might be balanced by maximizing the surplus and global supply chain needs through the backward linkage and forward linkage aspects.
Moreover, in order to attract foreign investment to Indonesia, Indonesia needs to do lots of homework regarding to national reforming policies and reforming the domestic bureaucracy.
The business and investment climate in Indonesia has the same attractiveness and can even be higher than in other countries.
Apart from the foreign investment side, to get benefits from the trade gain, Indonesia should be aware and more careful in utilizing RCEP as a benchmark for efforts to develop and to improve the national domestic supply chain and increase national productivity.
It is necessary to explore which potential sectors which still need to be facilitated in terms of increasing productivity and trade competitiveness in penetrating international markets in these areas.
There must be serious efforts by the Indonesian government together with all stakeholders so that the domestic business climate in this sector can be improved more efficient and more attractive so that investment from RCEP can be directed to that sector. In fact, Indonesia must also identify carefully which export products are more competitive for trading in the region.
Indonesia should be able to prepare the advantages of export products with high-quality standards and affordable competitive prices that can compete with other countries mostly in accessing the international market continuously.
Those countries that are most ready to implement RCEP, such as China, for example, are countries that already have and implement more trade agreements previously than Indonesia. This is because these countries may have carried out internal reforms first.
Indonesia should anticipate intense competition between countries over the implementation of a regional partnership agreement so that Indonesia is not merely a potential market for various products export partner countries.
In Southeast Asia, Thailand, Vietnam, and Malaysia perhaps are still better prepared than Indonesia. This is because the country has more complex trade agreements and has been implemented effectively to date.
Indonesia is still lagging behind because of the ease of doing business reform. Even though there is now a Job Creation Law, it must be ensured that its implementation is beneficial for all domestic stakeholders before RCEP can be effective after it has been ratified by all countries.
Apart from the need to work hard to realize increased exports, attract investment, and increase economic competitiveness in the region, RCEP is also expected to be able to create higher certainty of business activities in the region to normalize trade and investment flows, especially in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic.
In the next 50 years, Indonesia needs to prepare a bumper to protect the sustainability of the domestic industry from the negative impact of free trade which is likely to be unfair.
The translation of the RCEP agreement text is targeted for completion within two months before ratification. Previously, it was necessary to carry out a comprehensive impact analysis by the government and the DPR.
A comprehensive agreement such as the RCEP should have consequences for the content of rules that must be adopted in the regulatory framework of the national economy. Obviously, this will have an impact on the narrowing of the government policy space and state sovereignty to protect the interests of the Indonesian people.
All domestic stakeholders must be involved in the decision-making process for the ratification of the RCEP agreement, including small and medium scale entrepreneurs.
Without any clear preparation and blueprint, the resilience of the domestic industry will in fact be battered, while competing with various cheaper imported products.
The bumper is in the form of a non-tariff policy where this effort is common in other countries in the midst of free competition. However, Indonesia needs to be careful and limited in implementing it so as not to lead to trade disputes with other countries.
Another bumper is related to the precautionary principle and the need for stages in ratifying the RCEP. Not all points of the agreement need to be ratified if they are deemed to be detrimental to the domestic industry. Thus, the ratification process must involve many related parties and be discussed openly.
Trade expansion between countries can only be done if a country has its export products that are ready to be marketed. Currently, around 72% of exports in the global market are manufactured products, while Indonesian exports still rely on commodities such as palm oil and coal.
If Indonesia has not been able to shift to the manufacturing sector, it is certain that Indonesia will only be flooded with imported products or simply become a producer of raw material sources and not shift from traditional markets.
The challenges are even more difficult amid the global pandemic which has hit various domestic industrial sectors, especially manufacturing.
To conclude, the advantage obtained through joining RCEP is how Indonesian export products are able to drive themselves to be more productive and competitive. The government and all business actors need to be more aggressive and quick to make structural adjustments in optimally utilizing RCEP opportunities.
