Job Summary:
The German Marshall Fund of the United States, Brussels Office is accepting on a rolling basis traineeship applications to help with its programming activities. Candidates must be eligible for Erasmus + program funding provided by their universities, or other similar grants through their governments/national institutions . Learn more about the Erasmus + funding opportunity by the European Commission here (http://ec.europa.eu/programmes/erasmus-plus/index_en.htm) and consult your university. It is the candidate’s responsibility to inquire with their university regarding eligibility prior to applying for the position.The German Marshall Fund of the United States_ does not bear any responsibility in initiating the Erasmus + funding procedure._
The trainee will work closely with senior GMF staff to provide research, logistical and administrative support. Trainees will be on flexible work plans where they assist multiple programs based on their background and interests and the program’s availability and needs.The traineeship is a unique opportunity to be in close contact with the international policy community. Trainees can benefit from the Brussels environment and attend various EU related events. Trainees will also receive insights into office administration, database and events logistics. Candidates must be eligible for Erasmus+ program funding, or other similar grants. Key Areas of Responsibility:
Providing administrative and operational support for the GMF Brussels office programing on issues pertaining to EU affairs, transatlantic relations and foreign policy;
Assisting in the organization and coordination of Brussels based events, as well as broader GMF convening activities;
Conducting background research and writing internal memos for various projects;
Preparing talking points and preparatory materials for GMF fellows and senior staff ahead of meetings and speaking engagements;
Helping maintain the Brussels office’s and relevant program’s database of contacts;
Assisting with administrative and logistical duties as assigned.
Qualifications and Requirements:
Academic background in international relations and/or European studies, with at least a fully completed bachelor’s degree;
Strong interest in transatlantic policy issues;
Familiarity with European institutions desired;
Fluency in English. Second language skills in French, German or a third European language is a plus;
Excellent written and oral communication skills;
Proficiency with Microsoft Office (Word, Excel, and Outlook) is essential;
Flexibility to multi-task, have an eye for detail, ability to perform under tight deadlines and work independently;
Previous experience in a think tank, foundation, NGO, government body, media outlet, or similar organization desired, but not required;
Experience in event management is a plus;
Good interpersonal skills and ability to work in a multicultural environment.
*Start and Length of Traineeship:
GMF’s Brussels office offers three starting dates for traineeships:
January (Winter Selection) – Deadline for application: October 1
May (Spring Selection) – Deadline for application: February 1
September (Fall Selection) – Deadline for application: June 1
Candidates can only apply to one selection period at a time, to be explicitly mentioned in the application. All traineeships last 6 months. Due to the high volume of responses, we will only contact candidates of interest. GMF is an Equal Opportunity Employer.
Based at the European Astronaut Centre (EAC), ESA’s Space Medicine Team comprises medical doctors, biomedical engineers, exercise physiologists, psychologists, IT specialists, education coordinators, administrators and project managers. Each plays a vital role in ensuring the health and well-being of astronauts during all stages of a mission.
To better support astronauts during current missions to the International Space Station and prepare for human missions beyond low Earth orbit, the Space Medicine Team is working to identify, evaluate and develop new space technologies and procedures.
This process involves collaborating with ESA’s technology teams and Human Research Office to identify existing space-relevant technologies and scientific knowledge, and looking outside of ESA at terrestrial technology developments and the wealth of current science knowledge concerning human health.
To achieve their goal, the Space Medicine Team works in close partnership with national space agencies, industry, research institutions and universities from across ESA’s Member States. The team also regularly coordinate workshops for the next generation of space physicians.
Internship opportunities
In support of the space medicine team, and international space medicine, REDI (Research, Education & Development Initiative) through academic collaboration and educational partnerships seeks to promote technical (research and development), and individual (education and training) readiness for current, and future human space missions.
As part of this initiative, we offer a limited number of internship places each year to students of medicine, the biomedical sciences (including exercise science) or biomedical engineering and – where appropriate – those with specific expertise in analytics/programming or educational/outreach.
Our internship projects may involve the collection and/or the analysis of medical/research data (in collaboration), performance of systematic literature reviews, elements of medical hardware evaluation/development, database management, or the generation of analytical models/simulations.
Our internships are within the following domains:
Identification and evaluation of medical risks (including radiation) associated with Low Earth Orbit and Deep Space vehicles/habitats.
Optimisation of in-flight exercise countermeasures (for ISS and Exploration).
Evaluation and optimisation of non-exercise management of astronaut health.
Identification, development, validation and implementation of medical technologies and strategies to mitigate medical risks associated with spaceflight.
Optimisation of post-flight rehabilitation strategies.
Evaluation of the suitability and applicability of ground-based analogues of micro- and hypogravity.
Identification and evaluation of medical risks and requirements associated with hypogravity (lunar) operations.
Development, delivery and accreditation of international space medicine education/training.
In order to optimise productivity and applicability, we encourage the use of a range of open-source tools. Please highlight in your application if you have expertise/experience in the use of:
Rayyan: for systematic reviews.
Mendeley: for Citation management.
Python(or MatLab, R or SPSS): for data/statistical analysis.
OpenSim/Anybody: for biomechanical simulation.
In addition, please highlight any experience in educational/outreach delivery/development, database management, programming or physiological data capture/analysis.
Students of medicine should note that the space medicine team is not a clinical environment, and that due to the highly confidential nature of our flight surgeons’ activities, it is not possible to involve students in day-to-day astronaut medical support.
The minimum duration of an internship with the space medicine team is three months. However, six-month internships are considered optimal.
1Hendra Manurung is currently a doctoral candidate in International Relations at Padjadjaran University
2Sebastián Sterzer is Head of International Relations Department at the Observatory of International Trade of National University of Lujan, Buenos Aires, Argentina
In December 2020, the European Union and Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) aim to reaffirm and give new impetus to the strategic partnership through an informal meeting of EU27 and the LAC Foreign Ministers in Berlin, Germany. This is an opportunity to reinforce the close cultural, social and economic bonds, as well as to coordinate our approach in a less predictable international system. 2020, has been particularly difficult for both EU and Latin American and Caribbean regions due to the COVID-19 pandemic and the economic recession it has brought about. However, during 2021, it is time to start thinking again about stepping up relations. The EU is helping people make Latin American and Caribbean ideas become reality. Faced with growing geopolitical rivalry between great powers, it offers cooperation and dialogue centered on improving the lives of citizens. This relationship is a clue to sustaining the multilateral system in matters such as WTO, the Paris Agreement, human rights, arms control and non-proliferation. While, in the international system, economic diplomacy pertains to the full spectrum of diplomacy relating to economic activities in the pursuit of a country’s policy objectives in general and economic goals in particular. Previously, the economic diplomacy follows a policy direction laid down by Indonesian President Joko Widodo, whereby 70 to 80 percent of all resources should be dedicated to more effective and efficient efforts on economic diplomacy, amid a world full of uncertainty and the upsurge of protectionisms posing challenges to many countries.
Further, as the world strives to deliver joint responses to common challenges, from crushing pandemics to tackling climate change, organizations that encourage research cooperation between regional partners are needed more than ever and united in a common cause. This bond was reaffirmed by EURAXESS Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), which took part in a recent high-level meeting in 2020 of the EU-CELAC Joint Initiative. It served as a valuable reminder of the common bonds that tie research organizations and communities in all regions together and reinforced the importance of researcher mobility and knowledge-sharing in tackling the biggest challenges facing the world.
The Latin American and Caribbean countries are also still faced with new dynamics challenge, such as the need to respond to the demands of a digital and integrated global economy, the pressure to safeguard the environment, adapting to climate change issue, and to promote growth while ensuring fair social outcomes, or the concern to ensure the continuation of a long-term trend of democratic consolidation and sustainable development.
The EU, with its model of regional economic integration and connectivity, can be an important partner of LAC in tackling those challenges. The EU is sharing its full diplomatic, humanitarian and economic support to solving the ongoing crises in certain LAC countries and will continue to promote democratic principles and respect for human rights in its relations with LAC. More broadly, the EU and LAC should work together to preserve multilateralism and a rules based global order, joining forces to deliver ambitious agendas. This strategic partnership should concentrate on four mutually reinforcing priorities: 1) prosperity, 2) democracy, 3) resilience and 4) effective global governance. Under each of these priorities the communication suggests a number of areas and concrete initiatives to advance this agenda, implemented through a more strategic and targeted EU engagement with the region.
Historically, over the last decades, the EU and LAC have reached an unprecedented level of integration. The EU has signed association, free trade or political and cooperation agreements with 27 (twenty seven) of the 33 (thirty three) LAC countries. This all LAC countries included except Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay and Venezuela. The most important of these are the Association Agreements with Mexico, Chile and Central America, the Economic Partnership Agreement with the Caribbean Forum (CARIFORUM) and the Free Trade Agreements with Colombia, Peru and Ecuador. The EU and LAC countries often align in the United Nations, and have closely cooperated on the Paris agreement, and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Since 2016, there is close to six million people from EU and LAC live and work across the Atlantic, and more than one third of LAC students studying abroad do so in the EU countries.
Post 2016, in the wider Atlantic Space, the EU has expanded cooperation and builds stronger partnerships with Latin America and the Caribbean grounded on shared values and interests. It is emphasized clearly at ‘A Global Strategy for the European Union’s Foreign and Security Policy’. The EU and Latin America and the Caribbean have a successful and long-standing partnership which united by history and guided by many shared values. Therefore since 1999 EU and LAC are linked by a strategic partnership and grounded on a commitment to fundamental freedoms, sustainable development and a strong rules-based international system. For over twenty years, such a partnership has been a platform for mutually beneficial cooperation, a driver of change and an incubator for new ideas.
Obviously, the economies are closely interconnected. EU is the third largest trade partner of LAC; total trade in goods increased from €185.5 billion in 2008 to €225.4 billion in 2018, and trade in services amounted to almost €102 billion in 2017. The EU is the first investor in LAC, with a foreign direct investment (FDI) stock of €784.6 billion in 2017, whilst the LAC FDI stock in the EU increased substantially over recent years reached to €273 billion in 2017. The EU investment in LAC is significantly higher than the EU FDI stocks in China is €176.1 billion, except Hong Kong; India with €76.7 billion; and Russia with €216.1 billion combined.
Also, the EU has been the largest provider of development cooperation to LAC, with €3.6 billion in grants for bilateral and regional programs between 2014 and 2020, and over €1.2 billion in humanitarian assistance to victims of man-made crises and natural disasters the last 20 years (1996-2016). The European Investment Bank invests in the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals in LAC, with a focus on climate change mitigation and adaptation, lending a total of €3.4 billion during 2014-2018. Furthermore, the EU’s development cooperation to LAC also focuses on critical areas such as security and the rule of law, environmental sustainability and climate change, agriculture, food and nutrition security, inclusive economic growth for employment creation, public financial management reform, public sector modernization, and regional integration.
Contextually, this communication proposes to strengthen the EU’s political partnership with LAC, setting out a vision for a stronger and modernized bi-regional partnership, in light of changing global and regional realities. This communication should also be read in light of the agreements that exist or are being negotiated between the EU and individual LAC countries or sub-regions; covering virtually the entire region they represent an important vehicle to implement the vision set out here within. It aims to provide strategic direction for EU’s external action with LAC, in line with the principles set out in the Global Strategy for the EU’s Foreign and Security Policy, the European Consensus on Development, the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, the “Trade for All” Communication and the negotiating directives for a partnership agreement between the EU and the African, Caribbean and Pacific Group of States.
Since 2012, the EU has a long and rich experience on promoting cross-border cooperation. The development of territorial cooperation actions, in particular cross-border cooperation, is considered a fundamental factor for the development of regional integration processes, of economic and social cohesion, and of progress. This EU’s cross-border cooperation program is previously being implemented through agreed cross-border analysis and response strategies, formulated in each of the 53 cross-border program. It deals with a wide range of issues, which include: encouraging entrepreneurship, especially the development of SMEs, tourism, culture and cross-border trade; improving joint management of natural resources; supporting links between urban and rural areas; improving access to transport and communication networks; developing joint use of infrastructure; administrative, employment and equal opportunities work.
The overall aim of disseminating the experience of the EU’s regional policy and its best practices in 2015, both in terms of innovation and cross-border cooperation, the “EU-Latin America Cooperation on Cross-Border Regional Innovation Systems in the framework of Regional Policy” project has promoted cooperation between authorities in the border regions of Peru and Brazil, and has identified the innovative sectors key to cooperation between the regions participating in the project. Selected were the regions of Loreto and San Martin, in Peru, and the State of Amazonas, in Brazil, which borders on the Peruvian region of Loreto. As a result of the work aquaculture was considered a field of economic activity boasting great potential and a basis upon which to bolster cross-border cooperation through the creation of an interregional aquaculture value chain. Based on the lessons learned through European countries experiences, and the results of collaboration with local stakeholders, a strategic approach was devised to guide actions at the regional level, making it possible to coordinate and align the different actors in the border area in light of the needs and opportunities posed by the aquaculture value chain as regards Cross-Border Cooperation, and the development of regions, their companies and peoples. It continues with a description of the research and development structure of the participating regions, more consolidated on the Brazilian side, but featuring a very great potential for cooperation.
These Latin America and Caribbean regions also should share the need to fortify the qualifications of the social capital engaged in the aquaculture sector. There is a high rate of informality, which has a considerable impact, giving rise to market failures. The main problems include a weak corporate culture, poor transport and telecommunications infrastructures, and an inefficient energy system as a key resource affecting the costs and production capacities of the other economic activities. Worthy of special note is the lack of an established system to support research and development activities, oriented towards the needs of the business sector, and the limited technological development, which would make it possible to respond to the challenges posed by other areas, such as transport, logistics and energy.
In Latin American countries, border regions and municipalities are increasingly demanding instruments for cross-border cooperation, being a growing field under permanent development. Previously, in May 2008, the European Union and Latin America Summit took place in Lima, Peru, at which, Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez made a number of provocative statements. Countries in the Latin American region appear with the interests of each country, which are competitive and not yet fully synergized. In fact, it is a condition that does not facilitate economic and trade negotiations which took place at the summit.
Both regions must be able to accelerate economic development in the emerging potential economies by driving skillful job through large-scale initiatives in entrepreneurship, small business growth, innovation, and skilling. In the years ahead, it is expected that the necessary steps to improve the business and investment environment in the intra and extra region should be taken committedly by all stakeholders. The opportunities the agreements provide which is more effective government procurement, better market access, innovation and competitiveness, intra-regional trade and integration into global supply chains should be exploited. Effective and balanced protection of Intellectual Property Rights enhances opportunities for mutual research cooperation and stimulates regional competitiveness and creative innovation. At the same time, trade agreements should further sustainable development, human rights and good governance, which the EU should work together sustainably with LAC to strengthen the implementation of social, labor and environmental provisions in existing agreements, consistent with their shared commitment to the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, and promote responsible management of global supply chains.
During and post global pandemic, The EU should continue partnering with Latin American and Caribbean countries in generating efforts to address persisting macroeconomic challenges in the region, while diversifying and modernizing the different economic models, making them fit for globalization. Suppose, making results sustainable also means to joining forces to reduce socio-economic inequalities, creating decent jobs and making globalization work for all, and the transition towards a green and circular economy development.
Writer: Hendra Manurung is currently a doctoral candidate in international relations at Padjadjaran University, Bandung
On March 22, 2021, the European Union has imposed sanctions on 11 top Myanmar military officials, including General Min Aung Hlaing who led the coup on February 1, 2021. The sanctions for Min Aung Hlaing are in the form of asset freezing, visa blacklisting and travel ban. Additionally, EU citizens and companies are forbidden from making funds available to the listed individuals and entities. Further, ten of the eleven persons targeted belong to the highest ranks of the Myanmar Armed Forces, known as Tatmadaw, including the Tatmadaw’s Commander-in-Chief, Min Aung Hlaing, and Deputy-Commander-in-Chief, Soe Win. The other is the new Chairperson of the Union Election Commission for his role in cancelling the results of the 2020 elections in Myanmar. The EU-27 makes it clear that nine other top military officers, as well as the head of Myanmar’s electoral commission, are on the sanctions list as well.
The leader of the military junta is directly involved and responsible for decision making regarding the function of the state, and therefore responsible for the destruction of democracy and the supremacy of the rule of law in Myanmar. Decisions made General Hlaing participate directly responsible for the brutal actions of the security forces that killed more than 700 demonstrators, including children and women.
The EU Council adopted a decision and a regulation establishing a global human rights sanctions regime on December 7, 2020. For the first time, the EU is equipping itself with a framework that will allow it to target individuals, entities and bodies including state and non-state actors, which responsible for, involved in or associated with serious human rights violations and abuses worldwide, no matter where they occurred. Such restrictive measures will provide for a travel ban applying to individuals, and the freezing of funds applying to both individuals and entities. In addition, persons and entities in the EU will be forbidden from making funds available to those listed, either directly or indirectly.
The framework for targeted restrictive measures applies to acts such as genocide, crimes against humanity and other serious human rights violations or abuses, e.g. torture, slavery, extrajudicial killings, arbitrary arrests or detentions. Other human rights violations or abuses can also fall under the scope of the sanctions regime where those violations or abuses are widespread, systematic or are otherwise of serious concern as regards the objectives of the common foreign and security policy set out in the Treaty of the European Union Article 21.
The EU previous made-decision has prioritized that the promotion and protection of human rights remain a cornerstone and priority of EU external action. It reflects on how the EU’s determination to address serious human rights violations and abuses. While, On 17 November 2020, the Council approved conclusions on the EU Action Plan on Human Rights and Democracy 2020-2024 which set out the EU’s level of ambition and priorities in this field in its relations with all third countries. In the EU Action Plan, the EU committed to developing a new horizontal EU global human rights sanctions regime to tackle serious human rights violations and abuses worldwide. By adopting Adoption Plan, the Council reaffirms the EU’s strong commitment to further advancing universal values for all.
One of the EU policy instruments is to promote the objectives of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), by implementing restrictive measures or giving sanctions. This includes safeguarding EU values, its fundamental interests and security; strengthening and supporting democracy, rule of law, human rights and principles of international law; keeping the peace; preventing conflict and strengthening international security.
A country or population is not a specific EU-27 target but is much more focused on a specific policy-taken or activity, ways to do it, and those who are responsible for the policies that have been implemented by the country’s leaders. Hence, the EU makes every effort to minimize the consequences of its policies which have been detrimental to the civilian population and to activities or persons not sanctioned. Those have always been part of a broader and comprehensive policy approach that includes political dialogue, complementary measures, and are not non-punitive measures.
The EU-27 countries periodically conduct a review of the sanctions that have been imposed. The renewal, amendment and lifting of sanctions made by the EU are finally decided in the European Union Council Session. Restrictive measures imposed by the EU may target governments of third countries, or non-state entities, e.g. companies, and individuals (such as terrorist groups and terrorists). For a majority of sanctions regimes, measures are targeted at individuals and entities and consist of asset freezes and travel bans. The EU can also adopt sectoral measures, such as economic and financial measures, e.g. import and export restrictions, restrictions on banking services) or arms embargoes (prohibition on exporting goods set out in the EU`s common military list. At least, there are 3 given sanctions by the EU, including 1) Sanctions imposed by the UN which the EU transposes into EU law; 2) the EU may reinforce UN sanctions by applying stricter and additional measures e.g. vis-à-vis DPRK (related to the non-proliferation of the weapons of mass destruction on July 30, 2020); 3) the EU may also decide to impose fully autonomous sanctions regimes e.g. vis-à-vis Syria (related to restrictive measures against Syria human rights violations on April 3, 2017), Venezuela (related to the continuing deterioration of democracy, the rule of law and human rights on November 13, 2017), and Ukraine (related to misappropriation of state funds of Ukraine on March 3, 2014)/Russia (sectoral restrictive measures related to Russia’s actions destabilizing the situation in Ukraine on 1 July and 19 December 2016; 28 June and 21 December 2017; 5 July and 21 December 2018; 27 June and 19 December 2019; 29 June and 17 December 2020).
So far, according to Brussels, the European Union has implemented all sanctions that are fully compatible with its obligations under international law, including those concerning respect for universal human rights and guarantees of fundamental freedoms.
The violence and human rights violations in Myanmar since the military coup on 1 February 2021 have disregarded international legal norms and universal human rights values. ASEAN as the only regional organization in Southeast Asia so far had not been able to do anything in order to ensure political stability and security in Myanmar. Hereinafter, ahead of the ASEAN leaders’ meeting in Jakarta on April 24, 2021, to discuss the current hot topical issue of political stability and the democratization process of Myanmar which is likely to determine the future of democracy in the Southeast Asian country which borders China. There are more than 700 civilians, including children, who have died as a result of military violence. The junta responded to peaceful demonstrations against the military coup on February 2021 with rifle shells. Military forces violence has not discouraged pro-democracy activists. The threat of bullets shooting did not scare them. Protesters, mostly young people, continue to organize demonstrations. Strikes as resistance to the coup continued.
On 28 February 2021, Indonesia has expressed a stance regarding the development of the situation in Myanmar, by issuing a statement: 1) Indonesia is very concerned about the increasing violence in Myanmar which has caused casualties and injuries; 2) Deep condolences to the victim and his family; 3) Indonesia calls on the Myanmar security forces not to resort to violence and to exercise restraint in order to avoid more casualties and prevent the situation from worsening. The anti-coup movement is also supported by a number of armed ethnic militias in the border area, which is a form of sympathy for the loss of civilian casualties in mass demonstrations in various Myanmar cities. Previously, in November 2020, at the ASEAN Summit, ASEAN foreign ministers invited the US President from the 2020 general election to maintain peace in Southeast Asia. The ASEAN Ministerial Meeting is held virtually ahead of the 37th ASEAN Summit from 12 to 15 November 2020, hosted by Vietnam.
Various countries and non-state actors are worried that Myanmar’s internal problems will likely become like Syria. The civil war was protracted, with the civilian death toll increasing, followed by an increase in the number of refugees to neighbouring countries. Myanmar is currently one of the top five sources of refugees in the world. According to the UN high commission for refugees, there are around 1.9 million refugees from Myanmar. As for Syria, it occupies the top position with 6.6 million refugees in 2019.
Henceforth, in responding to the worsening political conditions in Myanmar, there is no other choice for the international community, including ASEAN regional organizations to act proactively as quickly as possible, especially in making decisions and commitments that are planned, measured, directed, decisive, and have an impact on political stability and Myanmar national security. The European Union and the United States have indeed imposed economic sanctions on figures and state companies involved in the recent military coup.
ASEAN together with Indonesia must take a central role in optimizing efforts to resolve the Myanmar problem, given the endless violence, a military junta that is completely reluctant to reduce repression on civilians, and the need for the international community to develop a more assertive and sustainable strategic plan. The communication activities with military junta leaders are only a means of reaching a solution to the crisis. The main thing is how to seek the willingness of ASEAN as a solid regional organization together with the EU, China and the US, to immediately formulate coordinated and targeted policies, so that the military junta will stop killing Myanmar people.
Era digital memberikan peluang dan tantangan bagi aktor-aktor internasional untuk dapat mengembangkan ekonominya melalui berbagai cara termasuk dengan digitalisasi ekonomi yang bertujuan untuk membuka kanal baru dalam rangka mengembangkan kesempatan ekonomi yang bersifat digital. Uni Eropa sebagai rezim supranasional yang menaungi negara-negara di kawasan Eropa merupakan salah satu aktor internasional yang menaruh perhatian besar terhadap perkembangan ekonomi digital yang dicerminkan melalui dokumen A New Strategic Agenda 2019-2024. Kebijakan ini kemudian ditegaskan melalui prioritas kebijakan Komisi Eropa 2019-2024 yang salah satu prioritasnya adalah menciptakan ‘A Europe Fit for Digital Age’. Melalui poin ini, Uni Eropa berusaha mewujudkan kawasan Eropa sebagai zona yang cocok dan siap dalam menghadapi era digital. Kemitraan dengan Uni Eropa merupakan kunci penting bagi negara-negara di Asia termasuk Indonesia untuk mengembangkan ekonomi digitalnya. Membangun konektivitas dengan Uni Eropa diharapkan dapat memberikan nilai tambah yang lebih besar bagi hubungan antara Indonesia dan Uni Eropa.
Pemahaman terkait Konektivitas Asia – EU terutama dalam Potensi Ekonomi Digital akan dibahas secara komprehensif dalam Webinar “Asia – EU: Connectivity: Potensi Ekonomi Digital” yang akan dilaksanakan pada:
Hari/Tanggal : Selasa, 2 Maret 2021
Waktu : 13:30 – 15:30 WIB
Media : Aplikasi Zoom Meeting
Meeting ID: 980 7580 4554
Passcode: 757703
Webinar ini juga merupakan kerjasama antara Komunitas Indonesia untuk Kajian Eropa (KIKE) bersama Pusat P2K2 Amerika dan Eropa Kementerian Luar Negeri Republik Indonesia. Yuk, ikut serta dalam acara, peserta akan mendapatkan E-Certificate 🥳🥳.
The post-presidential election drama continues in the US. Despite the confirmation by the Electoral College of Joe Biden’s victory, Donald Trump remains reluctant to admit his defeat. Instead of congratulating the winner, Trump keeps on contesting the election result. Undeterred by the failure of his previous legal battle with the rejection of his lawsuit by the Supreme Court, he continues to contest the election result by filing a new lawsuit.
The world is watching the development in the US very carefully. The EU is no exception. Who will be the US president is particularly important for the EU. EU – US relations are at the lowest ebb under Trump’s administration. No doubt, the relations between the EU and the US were not always very smooth. But, the previous US presidents kept on treating the EU with respect or saw the EU as an important and valuable partner. Donald Trump, on the other hand, tended to disregard the EU. He looked at the EU with disdain and did not see it as relevant for the US. For the EU, therefore, the next US president will determine whether the relationship between the EU and the US will improve or otherwise worsen.
“I think the European Union is a foe, what they do to us in trade.” (CBC News)
The election of Joe Biden as the US President undoubtedly gives new hope for the EU to improve its relations with the US. The new President constitutes an opportunity for the EU to reset its transatlantic relations. But, a daunting task lies ahead given the damages that Trump’s administration has done to transatlantic relations.
One of the most important characters in Trump’s administration has been the distrust of multilateralism. The distrust of multilateralism had significant impacts on international cooperation such as setbacks in the free trade agreements, in the climate change negotiation as well as in the combating of global pandemic Covid-19. Trump’s tendency towards unilateralism was also manifested in his direct confrontational stands against China and the questioning of the transatlantic alliance (NATO). At the same time, the populism of President Trump has led to the adoption of various polarising policies. Trump disrespected women and minorities, was tolerant of the authoritarian governments and had no interest in combating global poverty and in development. In addition, Trump’s response to Brexit was a big disappointment for the EU. While the EU and the UK were in the negotiating process to settle the consequences of Brexit, Trump without considering that the UK was during this process still an EU member and was tied to obligations as a member, expressed his willingness to conclude trade bilateral agreement with the UK. Trump expressed this willingness even before he was inaugurated as the US President.
All those characteristics which the US under Trump has brought about are in contradiction to the EU vision as reflected in the EU Global Strategy. The EU Global Strategy envisions a multilateral world order based on rule of law, common values, and interests. As such, the EU Global Strategy does not only reflect the EU’s core interest and principles but also guides the EU in relations to the wider world.
Resetting the transatlantic relations for the EU does not only mean to repair the damaged transatlantic relations but also to bring back the commitment of the US as an important EU partner in building a world based on multilateralism and global interest and norms. In addition, it becomes an urgent need for the EU as Europe is facing a more challenging security environment with the more confident Russia under Putin, uncertainty on Turkey as well as continuing threat of terrorism as a result of the conflicts in the region close to Europe.
But while it has been almost certain that Joe Biden will be the next US president, the reset button cannot work properly until the election drama ends.
