GERMANY IN THE INDO-PACIFIC: MAINTAINING COOPERATION WITH INDONESIA
Writer: Hendra Manurung (Doctoral candidate in international relations, Padjadjaran University, Bandung)
Asia is the most dynamic growth region worldwide and will continue to consolidate this position in the 21st century. At the same time, Asia is faced with problems of global significance. German foreign policy takes account of both dimensions. The geopolitical power shifting in the Indo-Pacific had a significant impact on Germany: the economies of the European and Indo-Pacific regions which are also closely linked to each other through global trade and shipping chains. Important trade routes pass through the Indian Ocean, South China Sea, and the Pacific Ocean. Suppose, if a conflict occurs that can affect regional security and stability, all of this will certainly also have an impact on Germany political economy interest. Until now, the Indo-Pacific has not had a clear definition of geographic area. Each actor has a different definition. However, Germany recognizes the Indo-Pacific region as the entire territory formed by the Indian and Pacific Oceans.
Germany emphatically supports the EU’s efforts to become an ASEAN strategic partner and also working towards a free trade agreement between the EU and ASEAN as a whole. While France and Italy as the EU member states have now joined Germany in becoming ASEAN development partners.
Germany aim is to strengthen relations with this important region and to expand the cooperation in the areas of multilateralism, climate change mitigation, human rights, rules-based free trade, connectivity, digital transformation and, in particular, security policy. More than half of the world’s population lives in countries formed by the Indian and Pacific Oceans. In the last few decades, countries such as Indonesia, Vietnam, China or India have experienced rapid economic growth. In the midst of a global pandemic, currently, the region is a contributor to 40% of the world’s gross domestic product. With this increase, it is expected, this region has an important role in the economy and politics. Simultaneously, strategic competition is increasing for influence in the region. The Indo-Pacific will become major trending to the development of new international order in the 21st century. Germany wants to expand closer cooperation with countries in the Indo-Pacific.
Currently, the Indo-Pacific region is still facing the challenge of tug of influence and interests between the superpowers and the socio-economic impact of COVID-19. The ASEAN Outlook on the Indo Pacific serves as a guideline for maintaining regional peace and stability. It is expected that Germany can continue to support ASEAN centrality and participate in building a safe, peaceful and prosperous Indo-Pacific region.
The Indo-Pacific region is a priority of German foreign policy. Thus, upon adoption of the guidelines on September 2, 2020 through the German Federal Cabinet of Foreign Ministers, Heiko Maas stated as follows:
‘Prosperity and geopolitical influence in the coming decades will depend on the cooperation Germany has with countries in the Indo-Pacific region. There more than all regions of the world will take place strategic decisions regarding the future arrangement of international regulations. Germany wants to participate in shaping this arrangement so that decisions that occur will be made on the basis of international regulations and cooperation and not on the rights of the great powers’.
Further, through this strategy, Germany will actively participate in the establishment of a new international order in the Indo-Pacific region. The Covid-19 pandemic and its effects have shown once again that the rest of the world stands in front of world challenges that can only be overcome if countries will cooperate with one another continuously. An important goal is to strengthen the structure of international cooperation, especially to tie close relations with ASEAN countries, where Berlin also wants to improve cooperation with them in the future, particularly with Jakarta.
In March 2019, the German parliament delegation met the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs to discuss developments in ASEAN and the Indo Pacific. Several issues that are of concern both bilaterally and regionally include issues related to the Sustainable Development Agenda (SDGs), palm oil, the development of smart cities cooperation, the Jakarta Declaration and projections of the future of ASEAN and the economies of its member countries in the next 10 years (2019-2029). Strengthening the regional architecture and the economic recovery of the Indo-Pacific region after COVID-19 is the main focus for increasing cooperation between Germany and Indonesia. Germany’s commitment as a partner to the Indo Pacific countries to face these challenges is manifested in sustainable practical cooperation in the political, economic and socio-cultural fields. According to the Indonesian Ambassador to Germany, Havas Oegroseno, Indonesia has great potential to become a partner country in the dual-platform in 2021 and 2023. Although economic conditions have deteriorated in almost all countries including Indonesia, there are at least three interesting economic figures, including 1) Indonesia’s digital economy has generated by around 11% from the previous year. In 2019, Indonesia’s digital economy reached US$ 40 billion and in 2020 amounted to US$ 44 billion, 25% of this increase came from the health sector; 2) during a world economic recession, Indonesia export figure was higher than in the same month in 2013; 3) The increase in investment in Indonesia, especially for domestic investment. During the pandemic period, Indonesia received sixteen investment commitments primarily for diversion and diversification.
For Indonesia which adheres to a free and active foreign policy, this cooperation also emphasizes that Indonesia is very open to expanding cooperation and funding assistance for cooperation programs from various parties, including with Germany. The development of bilateral cooperation with Germany needs to be a priority. The Indonesian government is also ready to offer land to become the centre for German industrial estates, in addition to having prepared around 100 hectares of land. Several other attractive incentives have been prepared by Jakarta, particularly for the development of the German automation and digital innovation sector in Indonesia sooner or later.
For Germany, even in a pandemic like today, industrial technology still remains the central platform for innovation and industrial transformation solutions. However, due to the COVID 19 pandemic, it was decided to postpone the Hannover Messe 2020 exhibition to 2021. The biggest industry exhibition is planned to be held on 12 to 16 April 2021. Indonesia as a partner country for this exhibition is privileged. This is because Deutsche Messe AG (DMAG) as the organizer of the exhibition gave Indonesia the opportunity to become a partner country twice, in 2021 for exhibition on digital platforms, and in 2023 on live platforms. This makes Indonesia the longest partner country in the history of the Hannover Messe.
Indonesia and Germany as fellow members of the G-20 have implemented a form of joint responsibility towards current global important issues, especially related to climate change. This initiative is also a form of synchronization between the challenges of developing urban areas and a commitment to address environmental problems. On March 4, 2021, Indonesia’s determination to carry out green reform in the field of urban infrastructure development has received support from the German Government. Indonesia and Germany agreed to collaborate on “Indonesia – Germany Initiative for Green Infrastructure”. This cooperation is directed at urban area transformation and innovation projects that aim to reduce carbon emission levels in Indonesia. Through this cooperation, Germany will provide funding support of € 2.5 billion, or approximately the equivalent of Rp 41.25 trillion. This funding will be provided in stages over five years in partnership from 2021 to 2026 with the KfW bank, which is the German National Bank for development funding, as well as with GIZ. Four provinces were selected for the implementation of this initiative, namely: West Java, Central Java, East Java and Bali. Each province has a flagship project which is certain to be funded by this initiative. These projects lead to Indonesia’s sustainable green economy and infrastructure.
During the last ten years since 2010, the Indo-Pacific region has gained a more important role both economically and politically. Berlin is currently setting its political economy future with the Indo-Pacific countries. One of the biggest global challenges, but also in the Indo-Pacific region includes fighting against climate change and fighting marine pollution. Germany wants to work together with Indo-Pacific countries to find better solutions to the problem.
There are many areas in which Germany would like to cooperate more closely with the countries of the region, both in the area of strengthening state law and human rights and in the areas of cultural, educational and scientific exchanges. The political security sector, of course, also has a special position and attention for Berlin.
Economic relations must also be developed among other things, through the completion of the European Union free trade agreements with other Indo-Pacific countries. Additionally, through the diversification of cooperative relationships, dependence on one party can be avoided. Further themes such as digitization, networking or technology usages with a vision for the future are of critical importance to Germany’s ability to compete globally. Public communication on free access to information and protection against fake news is also included.
The policy guidelines for the Indo-Pacific region adopted in 2020 by the German government are needed at this time to maintain the country’s geo-economic conditions in the region. With these guidelines, Germany wants to facilitate a European strategy towards the Indo-Pacific. Therefore, the European political approach strategy emphasizes and prioritizes strategic factors connected to closer cooperation, including with the EU region.
In January 2019, China questioned the Indo Pacific concept that Indonesia was proposing to adopt by ASEAN. China does not reject the Indo-Pacific concept that emphasizes principles of openness, inclusiveness, transparency, respect for international law, and the centrality of ASEAN, but also not comfortable with the concept. The Indo-Pacific concept was first popularized by the United States to compete with China’s influence, which is aggressively running trillions of US dollars’ worth of infrastructure projects through the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative. After the US, several countries including Indonesia are trying to develop their respective concepts regarding the Indo-Pacific, to ensure peace, stability and prosperity in Southeast Asia amid the tug-of-war of the constellation of world major powers.
For Germany and Indonesia and other countries in the Indo Pacific, the main challenge for developing the Indo-Pacific concept at this time is to form the foundation of the current concept of an inclusive region. The ASEAN Indo-Pacific concept must not embed the concepts of other countries or blocs. Equality should be part of the AOIP concept because of the principles held in the region. Indonesia treats every country equally.
Germany is one of just a few countries in the world that has combined its numerous measures, both existing and planned, in the Indo-Pacific region to create a coherent political framework. It is important to emphasize that these are guidelines for the entire Federal Government, underlining its common desire to engage to an even greater extent as an influential actor and partner in the Indo-Pacific region and to help maintain the rule-based order in place.
Gemeinsam mit Deutschland und Indonesien das wirtschaftswachstum sowie rrieden und stabilität und sicherheit in der Indopazifischen region fördern.
Indonesia – EAEU Relations: Closer Economic Cooperation
Writer: Hendra Manurung is currently a doctoral candidate in international relations, Padjadjaran University
Economic diplomacy relates to the use of a state’s economic tools to safeguard its national interests and pursue its national goals, which encompass economic activities of its international relations, including strategies designed to secure trades, generate investments, lend aid, and negotiate free trade agreements or comprehensive economic partnership agreement. Henceforth, in the international system, economic diplomacy pertains to the full spectrum of diplomacy relating to economic activities in the pursuit of a country’s policy objectives in general and economic goals in particular. The economic diplomacy follows a policy direction laid down by President Joko Widodo, whereby 70-80 percent of all resources should be dedicated to more effective and efficient efforts on economic diplomacy, amid a world full of uncertainty and the upsurge of protectionisms posing challenges to many countries.
Moreover, Indonesia’s economic diplomacy should turn the aforementioned challenges into opportunities. In retrospect, for example in 2008 and 2009, the fact that the financial crisis threatened to pose a downward spiral of the global trade and economic growth, had played a vital role in forming collectively international economic responses. In the midst of global pandemic and world economic growth slowdown, it represents how relevant and important international cooperation is to overcome global problems. Taking lessons learned from such experiences, in the face of current global and regional challenges, taking into account the potential fragility of the international economic system, it is important for Indonesia’s economic diplomacy to underscore the need for strong frameworks for multilateral norms setting through, among others, enhancing international economic partnerships.
Henceforward, Indonesia economic diplomacy needs to gauge the current globalization and shifting power balances between the West and China with Russia in a holistic manner, as these developments have created new conditions for governments in all parts of the world to adopt more active economic diplomacy. Also, there has been a paradigm shift from traditional practices of state-to-state economic diplomacy to a more comprehensive approach of multi-dimensional economic diplomacy. Not only does it encompass commercial diplomacy through trade and investment promotion, it also encompasses the expansion of national trading and investment purview, the recalibration of global strategies, including the interlinked mutual reinforcement between economic interests and such underlying factors as geo-politics, development cooperation, and propensity towards the global economy. Jakarta’s efforts to boost foreign trade and attract more FDI will, and must always, be directly interlinked to the grand design of Indonesia’s foreign policy and diplomacy. The interconnection between international trade and diplomacy is absolutely vital, for a stronger economic diplomacy is not simply commercial diplomacy that can be merely accomplished through promotion.
Indonesia’s diplomacy is actually expanding prospective with the aforementioned interlinkage. Indonesia’s diplomacy has been seen as previously focused more on regional and global political issues, whereby Indonesia as a middle-income country has been continuously playing significant roles and showing its strong leadership at regional and international stages. It also necessitates the recalibration of strategies to pervade the need for a specific grand strategy for a more concerted economic diplomacy. Hence, a stronger economic diplomacy must go hand in hand sustainably with the national related-stakeholders strategic vision of regional and global geo-politics and gravitational trends of the global economy. Furthermore, in this regards, economic diplomacy is inseparable from global politics. In the meantime, as Indonesia foreign policy and diplomacy economy sustainable should be collaborative synergy and must not be away from the people, strategies in economic diplomacy must also correlate with the basic needs and interests of the nations.
Indonesia and the EAEU countries show a strong commitment to preparing for a stronger long-term partnership, especially in overcoming the challenges of the global economy and the decline in economic growth after the COVID-19 epidemic. In 2020, Indonesia has strengthened economic cooperation with countries in the Eastern European Region and Central Asia that are members of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), through the process of forming Indonesia and EAEU FTA. Indonesia together with the EAEU countries formed a Joint Feasibility Group in the framework of the formation of Indonesia-EAEU FTA which was approved by the EAEU Trade Ministers on 18 May 2020.
This is the formalization of the establishment of the FTA Indonesia and the EAEU has been initiated in 2017. The formation of the Indonesia-EAEU FTA will certainly be able to encourage the expansion of Indonesia’s export market and increase Indonesia’s trade cooperation with EAEU. EAEU consists of Russia, Kazakhstan, Belarus, Kyrgyzstan and Armenia, which are rich in natural resources, agricultural products, and have technological advantages with large market potential, namely a population of more than 180 million, and GDP according to PPP of US $ 4.4 trillion or GDP per-capita US$ 24,800. In October 2019, Indonesian government and the Eurasian Economic Commission signed Memorandum of Cooperation. Furthermore, for Indonesia, increasingly intensive relations with the EAEU are part of a national trade policy strategy to target non-traditional markets. EAEU is in the 24th place for export destinations from Indonesia and 21st for imports from Indonesia. Indonesia’s main exports to the EAEU are palm oil, panel boards, copra, cocoa butter and margarine.. Meanwhile, Indonesia’s main imports from the EAEU are fertilizer, coal and wheat. In 2019, Indonesia’s total trade with the EAEU reached US$ 2.6 billion, with export and import values of US$ 1.0 billion and US$ 1.5 billion, respectively.
Trade in the January-July 2020 period has decreased by 22.16 percent compared to the same period in 2019. Indonesia and EAEU countries free trade are expected to boost the rate of trade and investment between the two.
The aim of this cooperation is to promote comprehensive cooperation between Indonesia and the member countries of the Eurasian Economic Union towards a higher volume of trade and joint investment, the elimination of trade barriers and closer collaboration in areas of mutual interest. The areas for both sides cooperation, as follows: regional economy integration, trade policy, economic and macroeconomic growth in the member countries of the Eurasian Economic Union and Indonesia, customs regulations and trade facilitation measures, technical regulations and standardization, sanitary and phytosanitary implementation measures, financial markets, transportation, energy, agriculture, regulations on business competition and anti-monopoly policies, industries, intellectual properties, information technology and the digital economy, trade in services and investment, protection of consumer rights, entrepreneurship development including MSMEs, other fields of mutual interest.
Moreover, the Renminbi currency also has been deliberately allowed to weaken by the Chinese governments’ since August 2019, in which, Beijing’s decision was made as a strategic retaliatory response to restore its trade advantages and negate the effects of the next round of import tariffs. This Chinese policy responds to US President Donald Trump’s decision regarding the dynamics of US bilateral trade relations with China, particularly in the imposition of an additional 10% on Chinese goods worth US$ 300 billion or €269 billion, effective in September 2019. If this US policy implemented, then almost all US imports from China will be subject to high tariffs. Currently, the US imposes a 25% tariff on US$ 250 billion worth of Chinese exporting products.
Indonesia strengthens economic cooperation with countries in Eastern Europe and Central Asia which are members of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), through the process of establishing a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) between Indonesia and EAEU. In addition, the trade sector for the national leading export commodity of palm oil must also take advantage of various trade and investment economic cooperation to build momentum for economic revival and boost Indonesia’s competitiveness during and after the global pandemic, especially with countries that are members of the Eurasia Economic Commission. EAEU is a single market with five members, namely Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and the Russian Federation. In 2019, the EAEU group of countries has a population of approximately 183 million and per capita gross domestic product of US$ 27 thousand.
In 2018, Indonesia and the EAEU trade volume reached US$ 2.85 billion, with Indonesian exports to the EAEU amounting to US$ 1.04 billion and imports amounting to US$ 1.81 billion. In general, the trade trend from 2014-2018 increased by 3.37 percent. Indonesia’s main exports to EAEU countries in 2018 were palm oil and its derivatives, US$ 403.19 million; copra coconut, palm kernel or liquefied oil, US$ 69.32 million; margarine, US$ 49.62 million; amino oxygen, US$ 42.71 million; and natural rubber, US$ 34.85 million. Meanwhile, Indonesia’s main imports from EAEU countries are semi-finished iron/steel products, US$ 513.09 million; mineral or chemical potassium fertilizers, US$ 421.63 million; wheat and muesli, US$ 291.65 million; coal and other materials and other solid fuels, US$ 130.24 million; and non-mineral or chemical nitrogen fertilizers is US$ 75.02 million.
Indonesian government committed seeks to make foreign investors comfortable by minimizing various trade and investment barriers. Indonesia is continuously to strive to improve relations trade with the EU by minimizing various trade barriers and investment with partner-countries in the EU. By minimizing barriers, the ease of access to the Indonesian market with its superior export commodities will boost global markets significantly. Indonesia and the EU have a common interest in working together and enhance further cooperation to overcome global challenges on issues such as climate change, poverty, regional conflicts, reducing social exclusion and safeguarding multilateral institutions, including the UN reform.
Indonesia-Switzerland relations: Post I-EFTA CEPA Referendum
Writer: Hendra Manurung (Doctoral candidate in international relations at Padjadjaran University, Bandung)
Switzerland is looking forward to having a national referendum in March 2021 to determine the fate of Indonesia and the European Free Trade Area (EFTA) CEPA agreement. As it is known that the agreement between Indonesia and EFTA member-states was signed in December 2018 and approved by the Swiss parliament in December 2019. EFTA is an inter-governmental organization established to promote free trade and economic integration for the benefits of Switzerland, Norway, Liechtenstein and Iceland and their partner countries.
The EFTA member-countries are non-EU countries with a high average per capita income of more than US$ 80 thousand per year and a combined GDP value of around US$ 1 billion. More than 70 percent of the EFTA countries’ exports go to neighbouring countries in the European Union as the EU has been the main trading partners of EFTA countries for many years.
Henceforth, according to the Swiss constitution, although this agreement has been discussed and approved in Parliament, however, it is still given the opportunity for the public freedom to convey their aspirations. There is a group of NGOs and Swiss farmers who submitted a referendum to reject the I-EFTA CEPA, regarding the substance of the agreement in the arrangement regarding reduced tariffs for Indonesian palm oil. The referendum initiation can take place after the group has collected more than 50,000 signatures. The referendum is planned to be held on March 7, 2021.
I-EFTACEPA is a comprehensive trade agreement related to coverage of market access, trade and investment facilitation and capacity building cooperation. Thus, considering that EFTA is the 23rd group of non-oil and gas export destination countries and the 25th largest country of origin for non-oil and gas imports for Indonesia, it is certain that the benefits of the I-EFTA CEPA Agreement for Indonesia are enormous because it can expand market access to other EFTA countries as generating Indonesian products competitiveness and qualities at Central European markets. Since the end of 2018, the Indonesian ministry of foreign affairs has continued to intensify discussions regarding the ratification of the Indonesian Agreement – the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (IE-CEPA).
I-EFTA CEPA was signed on December 16, 2018 in Jakarta. On 16 December 2018, Ministers and other representatives from the EFTA States and from Indonesia signed a Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement. Suppose this agreement strengthens the economic ties and promote trade and investment between the two sides. Historically, Indonesia and EFTA Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (IE-CEPA) negotiations began officially in 2007. These negotiations are an important part of EFTA’s marketable strategy promotion in Southeast Asia region. It is also expected that there are also many opportunities and benefits that can be obtained by Indonesian service trade businessmen as vice versa, particularly in the tourism sector from the enactment of the IE-CEPA agreement, as well as the development of the sustainable tourism sector in Indonesia which is an attraction for tourists from EFTA member countries.
Indonesia and EFTA countries effort to strengthen economic trade and investment relations through a Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (Indonesia-EFTA Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement, IECEPA) enable two-way increase and diversification of trade and investment. Increased trade and investment will open new opportunities for both-sides of businesses, workers, and consumers which will have an impact on improving welfare in Indonesia and the EFTA countries. Moreover, EFTA countries foreign investment to Indonesia from 2012 to 2020 has continued to increase significantly from year to year.
Most large companies and micro, small and medium enterprises (MSMEs) will have wider and preferential access to markets that have so far been untouched yet. Lower tariff rates and more administrative processes will easily increase trade. A stable and predictable investment condition will encourage innovation and strengthen competitiveness. An open economy will encourage job creation and improve the standards and quality of life of people.
This agreement also regulates the requirements for sustainability and other terms for Indonesian palm oil. However, these opposing groups do not believe that the regulation will work and reject Indonesian palm oil from entering the Swiss market. In addition, these opponents of Indonesian palm oil honestly reveal that vegetable oil is produced in Switzerland such as sunflower oil, canola, rapeseed and others cannot compete in price and productivity with palm oil. Switzerland opponents are generating campaigning to invite Swiss people to reject the I-EFTA CEPA. However, the Swiss Government together with its business communities is also aggressively carrying out an open campaign for the Swiss public to support the I-EFTA CEPA.
Swiss President who also serves as Minister of Economy stated that if Switzerland was not part of the I-EFTA CEPA, the Swiss economy would suffer huge losses, especially in trade and investment. The Swiss President also said that all Swiss economic activities are related to trade and the I-EFTA CEPA agreement is one of the important accesses to boost trade and attract foreign investment. Meanwhile, the Indonesian embassy in Bern continues to collaborate with various concerning groups in Switzerland to provide recent updates and the latest information related to the improvement of the Indonesian palm oil industry including support for various government policies to improve standards for Indonesia Sustainable Palm Oil.
Indonesia also receives abundant support from business’ associations (Swiss Chambers and Swiss Contact) and other Swiss multi-national corporations operating in Indonesia. Furthermore, Indonesian Embassy in Bern expects that these associations will help provide reliable information to relevant parties in Switzerland regarding policies and improvement developments in the Indonesian palm oil industry as related stakeholders also are fully committed to the application of sustainability principles. It also followed by launching a special website regarding the benefits of the I-EFTA CEPA agreement for the Swiss economy as well as other positive information regarding Indonesian palm oil at the address https://indonesien-ja.ch/, Twitter: https://twitter.com/IndonesienJA.
The results of the I-EFTA CEPA referendum in Switzerland related to palm oil will have a major impact on the prospects for economic cooperation between the two countries, where Indonesia’s exports currently have a surplus of more than US$ 2 billion until November 2020. Thus, there will be greater export opportunities including palm oil exports to EFTA countries if this agreement can be ratified and implemented. Vietnam and Malaysia as Southeast Asian countries are also currently negotiating similar agreements with EFTA countries. However, Indonesia’s foreign relations with Switzerland continue to be strengthened simultaneously through bilateral trade and investment cooperation. It is done through Indonesia-EFTA CEPA free trade agreement and mutual legal aid cooperation in the criminal sector.
In conclusion, I-EFTA CEPA is able to become a means and locomotive for economic growth to bring closer and more prospective bilateral relations between the countries involved. This will hopefully pave the way for stronger economic relations and will make an important contribution to the continuation of sustainable economic growth and prosperity for the people of Indonesia and the EFTA countries.
Webinar “Asia-EU Connectivity: Potensi Ekonomi Digital”
Era digital memberikan peluang dan tantangan bagi aktor-aktor internasional untuk dapat mengembangkan ekonominya melalui berbagai cara termasuk dengan digitalisasi ekonomi yang bertujuan untuk membuka kanal baru dalam rangka mengembangkan kesempatan ekonomi yang bersifat digital. Uni Eropa sebagai rezim supranasional yang menaungi negara-negara di kawasan Eropa merupakan salah satu aktor internasional yang menaruh perhatian besar terhadap perkembangan ekonomi digital yang dicerminkan melalui dokumen A New Strategic Agenda 2019-2024. Kebijakan ini kemudian ditegaskan melalui prioritas kebijakan Komisi Eropa 2019-2024 yang salah satu prioritasnya adalah menciptakan ‘A Europe Fit for Digital Age’. Melalui poin ini, Uni Eropa berusaha mewujudkan kawasan Eropa sebagai zona yang cocok dan siap dalam menghadapi era digital. Kemitraan dengan Uni Eropa merupakan kunci penting bagi negara-negara di Asia termasuk Indonesia untuk mengembangkan ekonomi digitalnya. Membangun konektivitas dengan Uni Eropa diharapkan dapat memberikan nilai tambah yang lebih besar bagi hubungan antara Indonesia dan Uni Eropa.
Pemahaman terkait Konektivitas Asia – EU terutama dalam Potensi Ekonomi Digital akan dibahas secara komprehensif dalam Webinar “Asia – EU: Connectivity: Potensi Ekonomi Digital” yang akan dilaksanakan pada:
Hari/Tanggal : Selasa, 2 Maret 2021
Waktu : 13:30 – 15:30 WIB
Media : Aplikasi Zoom Meeting
Meeting ID: 980 7580 4554
Passcode: 757703
Webinar ini juga merupakan kerjasama antara Komunitas Indonesia untuk Kajian Eropa (KIKE) bersama Pusat P2K2 Amerika dan Eropa Kementerian Luar Negeri Republik Indonesia. Yuk, ikut serta dalam acara, peserta akan mendapatkan E-Certificate 🥳🥳.
US FP UNDER JOE BIDEN
Writer: Hendra Manurung is currently pursuing a doctoral degree in international relations at Padjadjaran University, Bandung
The US foreign policy is much likely to change under the leadership of President Joseph Robinette Biden Jr. (Joe Biden) with Vice President Kamala Harris, 2020-2024. It is certainly will be much different from the previous US foreign policy under the administration of President Donald Trump, 2016-2020.
Post-Cold War, the US has often been criticized for being too ambitious to export democracy around the world. Henry Kissinger in his book, Diplomacy (1994) assesses the ambitious US foreign policy upholding the values of the national interest. After World War II, the US began exporting liberal democracy and global capitalism, not always doing well, but succeeding in West Germany, Japan, Indonesia, India, South Korea, and Taiwan, but failing in Cuba, Haiti, Somalia, and Vietnam.
US power is no longer in military might. Democracy and freedom cannot be enforced. The soft power approach needs to be put forward in spreading democratic values and the universality of humanity. President Biden needs to bring the US back into the international system, restoring the world’s expectation in democratic principles, human rights, and the environment.
In the near future, the international community will see a real change in Washington D.C.’s foreign policy, as President Joe Biden’s priority is to control the COVID-19 pandemic and restore domestic economic growth. On various regional issues, in several situations and scenarios, the US Police will certainly refer to and emphasize national interests. Obviously, this is a common principle in the foreign policy of a large country.
Therefore, the US administration under Joe Biden will redefine the strategic importance of Washington D.C.’s policies on the international stage, from the Middle East to the Asia Pacific region. In the short term, there are probably two priorities that will be taken. The first priority is to revive the image of the United States which fell, due to Donald Trump’s ambiguity which has created a bad image for the US democratization process. The second priority is to rebuild alliances with US allies in Europe and East Asia.
Biden’s subtle, ethical and integrity personality and personality are clearly different from Trump’s. Over the next four years, this will be confirmed through different approaches to foreign policymaking and implementation. Trump is known as a talkative president who is not like politicians in general. It is difficult to be called a world leader, just speaking, likes to have many enemies, is inconsistent, has no commitment, and does not have a clear vision for the future of the US.
From 2016 to 2020, it is this Trump personality that has been the foundation of US policy. Joe Biden’s victory is seen by most US allies as a release from the hostage situation. For four years, the US was threatened, humiliated, troubled by tariff wars and unilateralism decision.
During his time in office, Donald Trump has publicly criticized, questioned, and downplayed the importance of alliances with old allies, including NATO, Germany, South Korea, and Japan. Trump also withdrew the United States from the Iran nuclear deal, the Paris climate accord, the World Health Organization, and various other Presbyterian Nations bodies. As a result, the US was isolated internationally, and China took over the international role of the superpower from the African continent to Latin America.
The US policy of restoring alliances with allied countries is important as a strategy to improve international relations which are increasingly sinking in the international arena. This is the toughest challenge amid other issues, such as global climate change and controlling the COVID-19 pandemic which requires synergic, strategic, and sustainable international cooperation and coordination.
President Biden promised something for the return of international influence that was lost in the Trump era, by restoring the traditional role of the US in the international system, such as predictability, international stability, mutual respect among allied countries, and emphasizing more dialogue, consultation, and prioritizing compromise.
At present, it is not easy for Joe Biden. Over the past 4 years, Trump has screwed up the world superpower policy. The world is also experiencing changes related to the global pandemic, which changes the US perspective on the world and vice versa. Biden figure is known as a pacifist and puts forward multiculturalists. These two personality traits will become the basis for the US implementation on global politics, apart from being non-insistent, not impulsive, and non-aggressive. Biden is a conciliatory extravert, a person who has a certain personality, a strong motive for closer affiliation, and always pushes for an agreement rather than a deadlock.
Typical leadership with a personality profile like this tends to describe an interpersonal, flexible, compromise, multiculturalist leadership style, and a priority for solid teamwork. Biden has shown a multiculturalist approach by appointing Kamala Harris as vice president. Harris is not only a person of color but the daughter of immigrant parents, her mother of Indian descent, and her father of Jamaican descent.
Biden’s policies and approach are much more different from Trump’s, who always prioritizes white supremacist rhetoric, discriminatory white supremacist rhetoric.
Biden’s two approaches will be assessed whether applicable and how the strategy will be implemented, particularly regarding the future of US-China relations, which during Trump’s leadership has always been complicated and tricky competition. US interests have always been a priority, including in cooperating with Beijing, for example regarding global climate change and the possession of Pyongyang’s nuclear weapons.
Biden is also likely to keep many measures Trump put in place restricting technology exports to some of China’s biggest companies. Not to mention the punitive tariffs on some US$500 billion worth of Chinese goods (bloomberg.com, Jan. 25, 2021). Meanwhile, Kremlin also wants to build better relations with President Biden, for example by trying to reduce Iran’s influence in Syria.
Additionally, these two approaches are likely to be the main uniqueness of US foreign policy in the Biden era to be implemented in the Middle East. In the Trump period, the Middle East region was a hotspot for US policy. At least, Trump has taken a decision with two significant changes, namely 1) ending the nuclear deal with Iran (The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action in May 2018 by leaving European allied. Tehran says Iran will no longer limit itself to the restrictions contained in the deal.
The existence of an official Iranian statement illustrates how the US cannot walk alone without the continuous support and cooperation of its European allies to return to the JCPOA immediately.
Trump also supports the existence of Israel and the expansion of Saudi Arabia’s influence in the region, whose aim is to isolate Iran’s role in the Middle East; 2) Trump carries out a pro-Israel policy, playing an important role in building relations between Israel and Arab countries (the Abraham Accord, which underlies the creation of relations between Israel and the United Arab Emirates), moving the US Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem in 2017. The decision is taken Trump causes world concern.
Trump’s policy is to alienate the peace process in the Middle East, by supporting Israel and neglecting Palestine.
Indonesia and the international community will witness what major changes President Joe Biden will take regarding the implementation of US foreign policy in various regions, apart from Europe (European Union, NATO, Russia); The Middle East; Southeast Asia; and East Asia (China and North Korea).
US strategic decisions under President Biden’s administration will certainly contribute to the world and regional peace.
FRANCE & CHARTER OF PRINCIPLES
Writer: Hendra Manurung, is currently a doctoral candidate in international relations at Padjadjaran University, Bandung, West Java
The French government has agreed with Muslim organizations in the country regarding the charter of principles governing the synergistic relationship between the Muslim community and state.
The National Council of Imams finally sees the light of day. On January 17, 2021, after six weeks of negotiations and three weeks of the open crisis, the nine federations making up the French Council of Muslim Worship (CFCM) agreed on the text of a Charter of Principles (Lemonde.fr, January 17, 2021). It should serve as a reference for a National Council of Imams (CNI), an emanation of the CFCM, the principle of which was enacted in November 2020. This Council is supposed to award certifications to ministers of the Muslim faith who request them.
The charter of principles agreed and signed by President of the French Muslim Faith Council, Mohammed Moussaoui witnessed by French President, Emmanuel Macron, at the Elysee Palace, Paris on January 18, 2021. The signing was carried out after a day earlier Mussaoui agreed on the points of the charter issue with the Minister of Home Affairs, Gerald Darmain.
Macron has firmly defended French secularism following the latest attacks, including the beheading of a teacher who displayed a caricature of the Prophet Muhammad during a class discussion in October 2020, as he also announced new steps to tackle what he called Islamic separatism in France (bbc.com). Previously, Samuel Paty, a teacher who was beheaded outside his school, was the target of an online hate attack before his death on October 16, 2020.
Understanding religion requires interpretation and appreciation, not only as an aspiration that creates a narrow, symbolic, and formalistic interpretation of religion. Faith in religion should be an inspiration.
Max Weber reveals in his book, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (2005), which is pioneering research and new approach in the 20th century, regarding the creative role of religion in social change and cultural formation. Cultural change occurs when humans apply reason in social life. It is called rationalization, which ultimately leads society to dominate technology and bureaucracy as well as a pragmatic orientation and efficiency. The tendency towards rationalization grew and was driven by religion itself. This rationalization led to the elimination of religion from culture and society and the creation of a secular world. This millennium era has had a major influence on information technology literate societies in giving birth to new public civilizations.
Religion is an important factor in sustainable social change. It is believed that religion is the source of inspiration for the dynamics of social change, not religion as the affirmation of the structure of civil society. Religion provides a framework of meaning, inspiration to the world and human behavior, a perspective with the meaning of how humans understand the world around them, their activities, living space they are in, the time that governs their lives, and their future, including their death.
Earlier, in November 2020, French President Emmanuel Macron issued an ultimatum to the French Muslim Worship Council (Conseil Français du Culte Musulman), to sign the Republican Values Charter. Through this ultimatum over the next 15 days, the French Muslim Worship Council was asked to sign the agreement. The ultimatum comes amid accusations that Macron’s government is stigmatizing Muslims following three separate terrorist attacks, which the public condemns.
Further, President Emmanuel Marcon also wants the CFCM to declare publicly that Islam is only a religion and not a political movement, in addition to wanting to stop other Muslim countries in the world from helping the Muslim community of France beleaguered by what Paris perceives as foreign interference in domestic affairs.
France’s largest Muslim charity, BarakaCity, has been shut down by the French Interior Minister, Gerald Darmanin, without judicial oversight.
At least, there are 10 main points from the charter of principles. Among them, there is an agreement to reject attempts to utilize Islam for political purposes and emphasize the importance of equality between men and women. The charter also denounces old practices, such as female circumcision, forced marriage, and virginity certificates for brides. It is also stated that no religious belief can be used as an exception to the obligations of citizens.
The charter also states explicitly its rejection of racism and anti-Semitism. It was also stated that mosques in France were not built to spread nationalist speeches defending foreign regimes. According to Moussaoui, the charter affirms the perfect compatibility between Muslim beliefs and the principles of the French Republic, including secularism and the commitment of French Muslims to their citizenship.
It is realized that the agreement on the charter can be an instrument to enter a new chapter of synergy between Muslims in France and the government of that country. Currently, about 4 to 5 million Muslims in France, this is the largest number of Muslims in the Western European region. Their existence and influence are often in the spotlight when cases of radicalism and terrorism emerge on the blue continent. This includes the murder case of a teacher showing cartoons of the Prophet Muhammad in Charlie Hebdo magazine while giving lessons in class in mid-October 2020.
Emmanuel Macron as the leader of a major country in the European Union (EU) attempts his best to find the best solution to the tensions between the government and the French Muslim community. Macron asked Muslim leaders in France to formulate the principles of this relationship. The CFCM has formed nearly 20 years ago as a forum for ongoing dialogue between the Muslim community and the French government, offers principles for this relationship. However, there have been weeks of debate within the CFCM, including on points that have made the three-member federations refuse to sign the charter.
However, the charter is very important as a foundation and guidance in managing equal relations between Muslims and the French state which has been full of tension, suspicion, and prejudice. For Macron’s government, the charter is a kind of clarification of the position of Muslims in France and their commitment to their country, so there is no need to raise suspicions and prejudice against each other. For the CFCM, the charter is also to show how the Muslim community in France can adapt to the principles of statehood in the republic.
The formal adoption of the charter by the CFCM federation paved the way for a massive restructuring of Islam in France, particularly with the creation of the Council National Imams Council which was responsible for labeling imams who practice in the country.
In any sovereign democratic state, the diversity that is rooted in culture can act as a human creative power to transform, develop dynamically and humanely in nation-building, and always open to responding to existing realities. Thus, it is through various dialogues of the values of faith and humanity that the spirit of a new civilized nation should be encouraged by the belief in the existence of God Almighty.
Religion as a source of inspiration is indeed virtual, but it can be a trap because once a human is trapped, he will continue to be anxious and confused about finding and practicing his values. Religion is both transcendent and immanent. Religious principles that legitimize power have been internalized in the human conscience. In fact, the most expected religious social control is how to shape people’s consciences, so that they are courageous and firm in rejecting corruption, persecution, and human rights violations.
In essence, religion must be used as an inspiration in nation-building, not merely as an aspiration.
INDONESIA – EU NICKEL DISPUTE
Writer: Hendra Manurung is currently a doctoral candidate in international relations at Padjadjaran University, Bandung, West Java.
In mid-January 2021, the Indonesian government then formed a panel and strengthened the lobbying strategy that was oriented towards increasing the added value of the nickel user industry in Indonesia and the European Union (EU) simultaneously. This step was taken in response to the EU’s decision to file a dispute with the World Trade Organization (WTO) regarding Indonesia’s policy to restrict nickel ore exports. Starting January 1, 2020, the Indonesian government decided to ban the export of nickel with a grade of less than 1.7% (trade.ec.europa.eu). Nickel ore with a concentration lower that 1.7% may only be exported provided that the holder of the production permit has used nickel with such level of concentration in at least 30% of its total input capacity in the purifying facility; and that it has built or is building a purifying facility, whether independently or in cooperation with others.
While the EU industry has reached its lowest level of stainless steel production in 10 years, Indonesia is set to become the second-largest producer in the world after China, fueled by unfair and illegal advantages like the ones challenged in this dispute (eurometal.net, Jan.15, 2021).
The EU considers Indonesian regulations related to the Minerals and Coal Law which makes it difficult for Brussels to be competitive in the steel industry, especially in the management of the stainless steel industry. This EU nickel commodity has a lower productivity value than Indonesia. Thus, the EU considers this will disrupt the energy productivity of the blue continent stainless steel.
Jakarta regrets that Brussels will continue the dispute process. As the largest country in the Southeast Asia region and a country that complies with international law, Indonesia will follow each dispute process according to international rules. Most likely, Indonesia will fight for its rights to international organizations against the EU.
On 22 November 2019, the EU requested consultations with Indonesia pursuant to Articles 1 and 4 of the Understanding on Rules and Procedures Governing the Settlement of Disputes (DSU), Article XXII:1 of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade 1994 (GATT 1994), and Article 4.1 of the Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures (ASCM) with regard to various measures concerning certain raw materials necessary for the production of stainless steel, as well as a cross-sectoral import duty exemption scheme conditional upon the use of domestic over imported goods (WT/DS592/1, G/L/1345, G/SCM/D127/1).
The EU launches WTO challenge against Indonesian restrictions on raw materials on November 22, 2019 (trade.ec.europa.eu), as written: ‘Today, the EU has brought a dispute in the World Trade Organization (WTO) against Indonesian export restrictions for raw materials used in the production of stainless steel. These restrictions unfairly limit access of EU producers to raw materials for steel production, notably nickel as well as scraps, coal, and coke, iron ore, and chromium. The EU is also challenging subsidies that encourage the use of local content by Indonesian producers and give preference to domestic over imported goods, which goes against WTO rules’.
Further, the EU’s commitment affirmation decision to resolute and strong enforcement of multilateral and bilateral trade rules where European interests are at stake.
At present, the EU is involved in 42 WTO disputes and 3 disputes under its trade agreements. The disputes brought by the EU have led over the last five years from 2014 to 2019 to the removal of discriminatory taxes, illegal customs duties, or export restrictions in key markets such as Russia, China, the US, and South America, and the reopening of markets worth €10 billion per year.
Over almost three years, Indonesian nickel products have indeed been superior to nickel products from the EU.
Therefore, the EU sued Indonesia to the World Trade Organization (WTO) in Geneva, Switzerland, regarding nickel with case number Dispute Settlement 592 (DS 592). The European Union claimed that: 1) the measures restricting the exports of certain raw materials, including those requiring domestic processing requirements, domestic marketing obligations, and export licensing requirements, appear to be inconsistent with Article XI:1 of the GATT 1994; 2) the prohibited subsidy scheme appears to be inconsistent with Article 3.1(b) of the SCM Agreement; and 3) the failure to promptly publish the challenged measures appears to be inconsistent with Article X:1 of the GATT 1994. Also, on 6 December 2019, the US requested to join the consultations.
This is due to the EU’s decision that its nickel productivity is currently being rivaled by Indonesia. Moreover, Indonesian goods will definitely be superior, because the sophisticated technology is high, the factory is new, and also this is part of the government’s commitment and seriousness to creating added value and creating investment in Indonesia.
Thus, the results of Indonesian nickel products such as iron and steel, especially stainless steel are of better quality. This quality improvement is due to the fact that Indonesia’s industrial sector continues to increase the added value of a nickel.
Furthermore, steel is the third-largest export in Indonesia after palm oil and coal. This shows a shared commitment by stakeholders to strengthen the transformation of Indonesia’s industrial sector.
Even though Indonesia was sued by the EU regarding nickel, the Indonesian government through the trade ministry will face the lawsuit and is willing to provide various inputs to the EU in Brussels, so that it can generate high-quality nickel products like Indonesia.
As part of the ongoing collaboration between trading partners, it is clear that Indonesia has no objection to providing input to Europe to be able to create high technology such as stainless steel, and how to create added value from the nickel processing industry.
With the EU’s lawsuit against Indonesia regarding nickel, Indonesia is preparing in the future to face any similar disputes with other countries.
The issue of dispute between Indonesia and the EU regarding nickel is a common problem, and it is likely to happen again and Indonesia is expected to be more sophisticated, better, and more able to serve other countries that may have lagged behind their productivity.
Indonesia as a rule of law and the third-largest democracy in the world will reluctantly serve the demands of the EU. Although, this dispute trade might still continue for a longer time. Even though, it can be resolved by means of the negotiation process.
In the midst of the outbreak of the new COVID-19 variant in early January 2021, Indonesia regrets the EU’s decision, this can actually be discussed at the negotiating table, and Jakarta can send Indonesian experts to Brussels to create added value. Indonesia’s commitment is not only prioritized to create world peace but is also committed to creating the world’s people economic prosperity.
Until January 2021, Indonesia and the EU are having two problems, the first is DS 592 related to the nickel issue, and Indonesia is currently suing the European Union regarding palm oil discrimination through the Renewable Energy Directive II (RED II) with lawsuit number DS 593.
Indonesia is of the view that in this global competition, effectiveness, efficiency, and productivity are good ones and need to be continued.
Thus, Indonesia and the EU need to sit together to discuss the ongoing trade agreement negotiations to help the productivity of European products, whether in vegetable oil or stainless steel.
Indonesia is definitely ready to help the EU with the nickel issue, and coordinate with the minister of industry to send experts from Indonesia.
As is well known, Indonesia is the second steel commodity producer in the world after China.
Jakarta is still targeting real exports of goods and services to grow by 4.2 percent. Especially for non-oil and gas exports, it is targeted to grow by 6.3 percent. Additionally, it also targets to agree on 25 international agreements, either the Preferential Trade Agreement (PTA) or Free Trade Agreement (FTA), or the Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA).
Meanwhile, domestically, it is necessary to encourage and strengthen a conducive business climate, especially in helping business actors to continue working, especially in the midst of this pandemic so that the national economy and increased economic growth can continue to move.
At least, there are 6 (six) foreign trade strategies in 2021 (kemendag.go.id), namely: First, non-traditional markets, the ministry of trade will seek and take advantage of opportunities in non-traditional countries as an alternative to export markets; Second, is the settlement of Trade Agreements. It is targeted that 25 international trade agreements will soon be completed, apart from conducting international trade negotiations, one of which is with non-traditional countries; Third, related to Expo Dubai and Trade Expo Indonesia (TEI), trade promotion at home and abroad, such as participation in Expo 2020 Dubai and Trade Expo Indonesia 2021 in Indonesia. It is related to trade missions. It still needs to strengthening and boosting of trade missions covering business forums, business matching, and business dialogue; Fourth, the use of digital technology will be a solution in the conditions of the COVID-19 pandemic with limited mobility between countries; Fifth, ensuring the flow of incoming goods, especially raw and auxiliary materials because these goods will later be processed into export goods; Sixth is related to licensing by providing legal certainty and the process for exporters and importers in carrying out-licensing arrangements.
Indonesia’s measures nullify or impair the benefits accruing to the EU, directly or indirectly, under the covered agreements. The EU asks that this request for the establishment of a panel be placed on the agenda for the meeting of the Dispute Settlement Body to be held on 25 January 2021 (trade.ec.europa.eu).
Sooner or later, the Indonesian Ministry of trade needs to prepare reliable negotiators to resolve legal case issues related to the European Union’s demands for nickel disputes to the WTO.
INDONESIA & CHINA FM VISITS TO SE ASIA
Writer: Hendra Manurung is currently a doctorate candidate in international relations at Padjadjaran University, Bandung, West Java
After World War II (1945-1990) until the current digital revolution 4.0, the international community experienced the Pax Americana momentum. A period of global development and international peace has taken shape, with the United States as a superpower and the international political system leading to unipolar and arrogance of interests alone.
During Wang Yi’s visit to Indonesia on January 13, 2021 (kemlu.go.id, 14/1/2021), 5 points of understanding were reached, namely 1) coping with the pandemic, 2) deepening pragmatic cooperation in various fields, 3) encouraging regional cooperation in East Asia, 4) maintaining peace and stability in the South China Sea, and 5) together to maintain and encourage multilateralism.
So far, Indonesia and China have discussed and exchanged ideas about the global situation, particularly in facing the challenges of the COVID-19 pandemic. Regarding the issue of health cooperation, the Indonesian government emphasized the importance of the sustainability of regional health cooperation. Especially in the framework of ASEAN cooperation as a follow-up to China’s various commitments in handling the global pandemic, such as the US$ 5 million commitment to support the Public Health Cooperation Initiative: Program on Public Health Emergency Preparedness Capacity or PROMPT, and a US$ 1 million commitment to the ASEAN COVID-19 Response Fund.
Since the beginning of the pandemic in March 2020, Indonesia and China have collaborated in health cooperation both to provide diagnostic, therapeutic, and vaccine tools. In addition, the two countries are also committed to increasing the independence of the drug industry, medicinal raw materials, and medical devices in Indonesia.
In the midst of a pandemic and a sluggish global economic situation, Indonesia’s exports to China in 2020 increased by 10.96 percent. One of the products that experienced a significant increase was steel exports to China, which was the result of the downstream industrial process in Indonesia.
Therefore, in order to achieve balanced and mutually beneficial trade, Indonesia underlines the importance of joint efforts to overcome various obstacles in bilateral trade, in particular, to expand and open up Chinese market access for Indonesia’s leading exports such as palm oil, fishery products, tropical fruit, and swallow’s nest.
Both countries agreed to encourage boosted foreign investment and mutual cooperation in infrastructure development through partnerships that are quality, environmentally friendly, and which can absorb Indonesian workers.
Jakarta appreciates Beijing for the cooperation in handling problems of Indonesian crew members working on Chinese-flagged ships, including support for the return of Indonesian crew members from November to December 2020. In addition, it also encourages solutions for the return of stranded crew members, settlement of labor rights, and improvement of conditions, safe and conducive work, and law enforcement implementation through mutual legal assistance.
On the other side, regarding regional and global cooperation, it is necessary to implement the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP), as well as Indonesia’s determination to continue to maintain ASEAN centrality in its implementation. It is very important to maintain stability and peace in the region, to keep the South China Sea as a peaceful and stable sea. All countries need to respect and implement international law, including the 1982 UNCLOS.
While in Indonesia, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi has also reviewed one of the synergy implementation projects of the Indonesia Global Maritime Fulcrum and the China Belt and Road Initiative and a meeting with the Coordinating Minister for Maritime Affairs and Investment in Lake Toba, North Sumatra, as well as carrying out a courtesy visit to President Joko Widodo.
Hence, it needs to be a shared priority of China and Indonesia are both large developing countries and important new economic powers, where strengthening cooperation between the two countries has strategic significance and global influence continuously (http://indonesian.cri.cn/20210115). China is willing to work with Indonesia to carry out the mutual beneficial understanding reached by the heads of the two countries, push forward bilateral relations to achieve greater progress by prioritizing joint prevention of the pandemic, and developing mutually beneficial cooperation without harming Indonesia’s political economy interests in the region, of course.
Wang Yi’s visit is part of a series of visits by the Chinese Foreign Minister to several ASEAN countries and in the framework of celebrating 70 years of Indonesia and China diplomatic relations.
Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi initiated his Southeast Asian tour at the beginning of this week beginning from 12 to 13 January 2021, after he closed a six-day tour of Africa the previous week (thediplomat.com, 15/1/2021). Wang’s trip is pursued at stabilizing South China Sea region, strengthening maritime cooperation with Southeast Asian states, and expecting positive results from its Belt and Road Initiative development. That’s why Wang Yi chose to visit Myanmar, which assumed the roles of the coordinator of China-ASEAN relations and co-chair of consultations on the Code of Conduct, known as COC, in 2021, as well as Brunei, which holds the rotating ASEAN chairmanship for 2021. As China wants to accelerate the COC negotiations, better policy coordination with these two countries would be beneficial. Beijing is trying to upgrade its political economy relations with Jakarta and Manila by providing vaccine availability and stronger bilateral economic cooperation benefits along with maintaining regional peace and stability.
Meanwhile, January 20, 2021, will see the change in US administration with President-Elect Joe Biden swearing-in as the 46th US President, things remain tensed among various world major powers conflicting interest from Middle East, Africa, Europe, and the Asia Pacific to how will Joe Biden administration decide and behave strategically in responding to any international relations issues dynamics.
Under the leadership of Joe Biden from 2020 to 2024, it is likely that the position of the United States as a superpower will soon improve its ambitious presence in various parts of the world, especially in the Southeast Asia region. This is done by Washington D.C regarding the emergence of a real threat to Beijing’s maneuver ambition to dominate and control the South China Sea region through its baseless nine-dashed line claims.
Washington DC policymakers have considered the possibility of sharp rivalries between the US and Chinese powers in the Southeast Asian region. This has happened since Hillary Clinton became US secretary of state with ‘Pivot to Asia’ diplomacy along with US President Barack Obama’s Rebalance Policy in 2010.
China must maintain stability and embodiment in the South China Sea region to respect international law, including the implementation of UNCLOS in 1982. Otherwise, it will escalate conflictual tension and open conflict with the US.
Therefore, the Southeast Asia region may become a central point of economic growth in the Asia Pacific region as it has become a crucial point for the struggle for influence from the US and China followed by the deployment of massive military forces in the South China Sea region since 2018.
Since most of the Southeast Asian countries rely heavily on foreign trade and investment, building closer economic ties with China would be the best choice for them to put their economies back on their feet. In fact, the 10 countries of Southeast Asia collectively became the biggest trading partner for China for the first time in 2020, overtaking the European Union. In the new context of the slowed spread of COVID-19 after vaccine rollouts, the implementation of BRI projects will be accelerated to boost employment and economic development in Southeast Asian countries.
A shift in the world political constellation which has been dominated by the United States, European Union, and China is likely to sharpen Beijing and Washington D.C.’s interests in the region. This is related to the possibility of deploying US military power under Joe Biden’s administration to the Southeast Asia region in response to China’s massive militarization in the South China Sea.
Moreover, the rivalries of the US and China in the South China Sea region are also a manifestation of Indonesia’s regional interests and maintaining a free and active foreign policy orientation, and optimizing Indonesia’s role in maintaining world peace.
Thereafter, in the midst of the global pandemic, suppose Indonesia will rise to a world major power by taking political economy advantage and utilizing the global situation of the shifting constellation of the US, the EU, and China in the international political and economic system.
Hence, the South China Sea regional situation is likely to continue to heat up with the growing importance of the region’s economic development, in which about 60 percent of world trade passes this maritime route.
Small regional countries with a tendency to an alliance with the US, such as the Philippines, may be used by the US to trigger the destabilization of the South China Sea area, which of course has great potential to disrupt China’s trade flow.
Certainly, China will be very ambitious to defend its political economy interests under the US new President Joe Biden administration. So far, the countries in Southeast Asia that have an alliance with China are generally small countries, such as Cambodia, Myanmar, and Laos. China needs friends who are trusted and calculated in the region, such as Indonesia. Jakarta should negotiate and take the benefits and benefits while remaining alert to the threat of China’s unilateral claims in the South China Sea.
China must be invited to invest heavily and transfer technology without harming Indonesia’s interests. The existence of China should be optimally utilized to strengthen the resilience of Indonesia’s industry from upstream to downstream.
Indonesia as the third largest democratic country in the world with a geostrategic and geopolitics position in the Indo-Pacific region is much likely to be a reliable stabilizing actor with strong and solidify its regional strategic role as a peacebuilder in the Asia Pacific.
Diskusi dan Bedah Buku Virtual ‘Uni Eropa: Institusi, Politik dan Kebijakan’
Uni Eropa adalah sebuah entitas sui generis. Paduan dua karakter yang bertolak belakang, yakni supranasionalisme, di satu sisi, dan intergevernmentalisme, di sisi lain, menjadikan Uni Eropa sulit untuk dipahami dengan menggunakan parameter-parameter entitas politik modern yang kita kenal. Sekalipun memiliki institusi-institusi supranasional, Uni Eropa bukanlah sebuah ‘super state’ atau sebuah pemerintah federal. Tetapi, pada saat yang sama kita juga tidak bisa memahami Uni Eropa semata-mata sebagai sebuah organisasi internasional. Kedua aspek tersebut, supranasionalisme dan intergovernmentalisme, berinteraksi dan menghasilkan institusi, politik maupun kebijakan dengan karakter yang unik dan sangat khas Uni Eropa, yang tidak dapat ditemukan padanannya pada enititas politik lain. Disamping itu, dinamika hubungan antara supernasionalisme dan intergovern mentalisme menjadikan Uni Eropa selalu berubah dari waktu ke waktu. Dan, tidak seperti yang dibayangkan oleh banyak orang, integrasi tidak berlangsung secara linier dan progresif menuju satu tujuan akhir tertentu yang didisain sejak awal melainkan secara gradual seiring dengan kebutuhan. Realitas ini juga secara jelas tercermin dalam institusi, politik dan kebijakan Uni Eropa.
Pembahasan terkait Institusi, Politik dan Kebijakan di Uni Eropa akan didiskusikan dalam acara Bedah Buku Virtual yang merupakan kerjasama Komunitas Indonesia untuk Kajian Eropa (KIKE) bersama Perpustakaan FISIPOL UGM.
Acara ini juga sekaligus sebagai Launching Aplikasi terbaru dari Perpustakaan FISIPOL UGM loh, Penasaran kan apa Aplikasinya ? Yuk, untuk rekan-rekan yang tertarik dapat melakukan registrasi melalui link yang tertera pada Link ugm.id/RegistrasiBedahBukuEU.
Jangan sampai ketinggalan yah, akan ada hadiah menarik bagi yang beruntung selama sesi acara. Kami tunggu kehadiran rekan-rekan semua di hari Selasa, 26 Januari 2021 pukul 10:00 WIB yah…..